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MADRID — Spain’s High Court on Wednesday, June 25, upheld a verdict that found former soccer federation president Luis Rubiales guilty of sexual assault for an unsolicited kiss on the lips of national team player Jenni Hermoso at the 2023 World Cup in Sydney.

The court rejected multiple appeals against the conviction, reaffirming Rubiales kissed Hermoso without her consent during the medal ceremony after Spain’s women had won the trophy, according to the ruling seen by Reuters.

Rubiales was fined over 10,000 euros ($11,592) and acquitted of coercion charges alongside three co-defendants. Prosecutors had sought a 2-1/2-year prison sentence and called for a retrial, both of which were dismissed.

The incident sparked widespread debate about sexism in Spanish society and women’s football, fueling momentum for the ‘Me Too’ movement in the country.

Rubiales argued that his actions were motivated by an uncontrollable joy, but the court ruled that his restraint with other players and attendees demonstrated he could have avoided such behaviour with Hermoso.

‘Since that emotion did not lead him to express his joy so effusively by kissing the other players or the accompanying persons in the box, and he restrained himself, he could also have done so, without too much effort, with the captain of the team,’ the court said.

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The NFL has played 105 seasons, and 531 different men have served at least one game as a head coach. Before last year merely four — or 0.75% — were Latino.

The Carolina Panthers last season hired Dave Canales as the fifth. He’s Mexican-American and has the coveted reputation of quarterback whisperer. His schemes are fluid and multiple, concepts blended from different systems to better suit his players.

The team in 2024 went 5-12, but toward the end of last season you saw some of the Canales effect. Second-year quarterback Bryce Young struggled as a rookie, but in his final three games last season Young completed 65 percent of his passes for 612 yards, 7 touchdowns and no interceptions. That was good for a 111.6 passer rating.

What does this all mean? Canales got the opportunity many Latino coaches in the NFL do not, and he’s making the most of that chance. His path is also something of a contradiction, one that perfectly captures the complicated state of the Latino experience in today’s NFL.

From the moment Carolina hired him, Canales became a symbol of seismic progress. His hiring came just 17 days after the Commanders fired Ron Rivera, the fourth Latino head coach in NFL history. Moreover, Canales rode a path observed almost exclusively in the career arcs of white coaches; before getting the Panthers gig, he had spent just one season as an offensive coordinator.

But from the moment he was hired, Canales also became a more uncomfortable marker, an acknowledgement of acute scarcity. He remains the only Latino head coach in the NFL. His appointment in Carolina came during a record NFL hiring cycle in which four men of color were named head coaches, signaling further progress. But a harsh reality remains: given the extremely low number of Latino coordinators and assistants, it might be several years — perhaps even much longer — before we see the NFL’s sixth Latino head coach.

“My grandfather came from Mexico,” Canales told the Panthers’ official website. “He made a life for himself in the Central Valley in California, joined the military to get citizenship. He and my grandma just breathed life into their children that anything is possible. For me, I found football early on and I was able to chase that dream — it’s that Mexican American in me, that willingness to take a job and just apply yourself to it and take real pride in your work, just show up every day and take advantage of opportunities that come along.”

Those opportunities, by and large, have been atypical for Latino coaches in the NFL. A lack of exposure and lack of institutional support for candidates, racial biases in hiring and a lack of diversity at the ownership and executive level have complicated pathways for Latino assistants to ascend into coordinator roles, jobs that USA TODAY Sports research has shown are springboards for head coaching positions.

Canales is an exception. From 2006-08, he was coaching at El Camino College, which is more or less a straight shot down I-110 from the University of Southern California. At the time Canales was at El Camino, Pete Carroll was coaching the Trojans, and Carroll ran summer camps for high school and elementary school players on USC’s campus. Carroll hired Canales to be a coach at these camps and it was then that Carroll became his mentor. In 2009, Carroll hired Canales to be USC’s assistant strength coach, and when Carroll bolted for the Seattle Seahawks the following year, he once again brought Canales.

Canales spent 13 seasons in Seattle, grinding from offensive quality control assistant all the way to quarterbacks coach and passing game coordinator. Before the 2023 season, he broke away from Carroll’s mentorship when the Buccaneers hired him as offensive coordinator. He starred in the role, resurrecting the career of Baker Mayfield. Then he got the Panthers job.

What the recent history of Latino coaches shows is that Canales is a distinct anomaly.

‘Does it feel good to be a trailblazer?’

There have been few Latino assistants in the NFL with coordinator-level titles. What happened to two of them in Vikings defensive coordinator Brian Flores and former Commanders run game coordinator Juan Castillo shows how difficult it is for Latino coaches.

Flores, 44, was already a head coach, for the Miami Dolphins, for three seasons. He went 24-25 in Miami before he was fired in 2021. He has an open class-action lawsuit against the NFL and three of its franchises, alleging the league is “rife with racism,” particularly in the hiring and promotion of Black assistants.

Rivera, 63, wasn’t hired as a head coach in the NFL after his last head coaching stint. He’s currently with the University of California as the football program’s general manager.

That leaves Castillo, 65, a veteran assistant with over 30 years in the NFL, and one who has extensive experience on both offense and defense. He has worked under three different NFL head coaches, and some of the game’s brightest minds: Andy Reid (Chiefs), John Harbaugh (Ravens) and Sean McDermott (Bills). Castillo told the Philadelphia Inquirer back in 2011 that he dreamed of becoming a head coach. At the NFL scouting combine later that year, Harbaugh said he was “a supporter of Juan” and that he thought ‘he’ll be a head coach in this league someday.”

Castillo told USA TODAY Sports that he was never asked to do a single head coaching interview. When the Commanders fired Rivera in January 2024, they also released Castillo, and many others, too. After spending last season with UCLA, Castillo is now an offensive analyst for the University of Michigan.

In 2024, the NFL, for the first time since the Rooney Rule was implemented in 2003, did not feature a single non-white offensive coordinator. Currently, there are only two coordinators who identify as Latino or Hispanic. Flores identifies as Latino and Mike Kafka, from the Giants, has previously told USA TODAY Sports through a team spokesman he identifies as Hispanic. While Latino and Hispanic are often colloquially used interchangeably they can have different meanings.

An increasing Latino fan base

In 2023, only 23 of the 844 NFL assistants (2.73%) for which there were data identified specifically as Hispanic or Latino(a). That’s according to The Institute for Diversity and Ethics in Sport (TIDES), which publishes annual report cards on racial and gender hiring in the major U.S. sports leagues. (The most recent year for the report is 2023.) That figure was three more than the year prior, a 0.2% increase.

For NFL players, the number is even lower. Only seven of 1,536 (0.5%) for which there were data in 2023 identified specifically as Hispanic or Latino(a), according to TIDES.

“I don’t think the public thinks of Latinos when they think of head coaching jobs,” Dr. Richard Lapchick, the director of TIDES, told USA TODAY Sports. “I don’t even think most people know this topic as a point of discussion in their fandom, whereas they might have a passing knowledge of people pushing for more Black head coaches. It’s just not on the radar.”

Playing is arguably the quickest pathway into coaching, and the consistently low total of Latino players explains in part the lagging number of Latino coaches. But this is where everything becomes further complicated.

Per the SSRS/Luker on Trends Sports Poll, there were 34.6 million Hispanic NFL fans in the U.S. in 2023, the most ever recorded. That was up 13.4% from last year’s total of 30.5 million. In fact, compared with a decade ago, when there were 26.3 million Hispanic fans, today’s figure represents a colossal 31.6% increase.

Chad Menefee, the executive vice president of strategic intelligence at SSRS, told USA TODAY Sports in an email that Hispanic NFL fandom is outperforming all other demographics the company tracks. Since 2014, there were 8.2 million new Hispanic NFL fans recorded, while there were 1.9 million new non-Hispanic Black fans. Non-Hispanic white fandom has remained essentially flat.

These millions of new Hispanic fans are flocking to a league where they increasingly will not see themselves represented on the sideline. For the moment, Hispanic fandom is a booming market for the NFL, one the league has tried to monetize with International Series games, targeted commercials and other initiatives. But there might come a time when these new fans abandon the sport, perhaps in search of something where they are more robustly represented, something with stronger cultural ties to their heritage.

That also might never happen. But as these new Hispanic fans converge in this space, they might encounter something all too familiar, for the obstacles facing Latino assistants in the NFL are precisely the same forces that often keep Latino people in the domestic workforce from also ascending in their chosen industry.

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In just a few hours, the next wave of NBA talent will be welcomed into the association at the Barclays Center in Brooklyn, New York, with NBA commissioner Adam Silver announcing their names — and that includes the highly anticipated moment of the No. 1 overall pick.

The No. 1 overall pick for the 2025 NBA Draft is all but a done deal and a selection that doesn’t have much uncertainty surrounding it going into the draft, as the Dallas Mavericks are widely expected to take Duke’s Cooper Flagg with the top overall pick.

At 18 years old, Flagg will be the second youngest player taken with the No. 1 overall pick in the draft’s history, only behind four-time NBA champion LeBron James. Should Flagg be taken by the Mavericks, Flagg not only will be able to start his NBA career with a true contender for the Larry O’Brien Trophy, but will add his name to the legacy and history of former Blue Devils that have been taken with the pick.

So with the 2025 NBA Draft set to get underway on June 25 at 8 p.m. ET at the Barclays Center, what exclusive group of past NBA talent is Flagg expected to join as the presumed No. 1 overall pick? Here’s a full look at the history of the No. 1 overall pick in the NBA draft, including a year-by-year list of the top overall pick and which Division I colleges have the most No. 1 overall picks:

Who is expected to be the No. 1 overall pick in 2025 NBA Draft?

The expected No. 1 overall pick in the 2025 NBA Draft is Duke’s Cooper Flagg, who won the Naismith, Wooden and Associated Press National Player of the Year awards this past season as a true freshman.

The do-it-all young star led the Blue Devils in scoring, rebounding, assists and steals. Flagg has outstanding footwork, especially in the low post. He can use either hand on shots in the paint, knows how to run plays, can hit catch-and-shoot 3s and is an active weakside defender. Flagg, who added more muscle since the start of the year, is a physical player who initiates contact, is confident and plays with force when necessary.

Most NBA draft No. 1 overall picks by a single college

Here’s a breakdown of which Division I basketball programs have the most No. 1 overall picks:

Five (1): Duke
Three (1): Kentucky
Two (16): Cincinnati, Duquesne, Georgetown, Houston, Indiana, Kansas, Kansas State, LSU, Maryland, Michigan, North Carolina, Purdue, UCLA, UNLV, Utah and West Virginia
One (31): Arizona, Bowling Green, Bradley, Davidson, DePaul, Furman, Georgia, Illinois State, LIU Brooklyn, Loyola Chicago, Marshall, Memphis, Michigan State, Minnesota, Navy, NC State, Notre Dame, Ohio State, Oklahoma, Oklahoma State, Pacific, Providence, Seattle, St. Bonaventure, Syracuse, Texas Wesleyan, Texas Western, Virginia, Wake Forest and Washington

NBA draft No. 1 pick history

Here’s a full list of No. 1 overall picks in the NBA draft dating back to 1947:

2024: Zaccharie Risacher (France) — Atlanta Hawks
2023: Victor Wembanyama (France) — San Antonio Spurs
2022: Paolo Banchero (Duke) — Orlando Magic
2021: Cade Cunningham (Oklahoma State) — Detroit Pistons
2020: Anthony Edwards (Georgia) — Minnesota Timberwolves
2019: Zion Williamson (Duke) — New Orleans Pelicans
2018: Deandre Ayton (Arizona) — Phoenix Suns
2017: Markelle Fultz (Washington) — Philadelphia 76ers
2016: Ben Simmons (LSU) — Philadelphia 76ers
2015: Karl-Anthony Towns (Kentucky) — Minnesota Timberwolves
2014: Andrew Wiggins (Kansas) — Cleveland Cavaliers
2013: Anthony Bennett (UNLV) — Cleveland Cavaliers
2012: Anthony Davis (Kentucky) — New Orleans Hornets
2011: Kyrie Irving (Duke) — Cleveland Cavaliers
2010: John Wall (Kentucky) — Washington Wizards
2009: Blake Griffin (Oklahoma) — Los Angeles Clippers
2008: Derrick Rose (Memphis) — Chicago Bulls
2007: Greg Oden (Ohio State) — Portland Trail Blazers
2006: Andrea Bargnani (Italy) — Toronto Raptors
2005: Andrew Bogut (Utah) — Milwaukee Bucks
2004: Dwight Howard (High School, SACA) — Orlando Magic
2003: LeBron James (High School, St. Vincent-St. Mary) — Cleveland Cavaliers
2002: Yao Ming (China) — Houston Rockets
2001: Kwame Brown (High School, Glynn Academy) — Washington Wizards
2000: Kenyon Martin (Cincinnati) — New Jersey Nets
1999: Elton Brand (Duke) — Chicago Bulls
1998: Michael Olowokandi (Pacific) — Los Angeles Clippers
1997: Tim Duncan (Wake Forest) — San Antonio Spurs
1996: Allen Iverson (Georgetown) — Philadelphia 76ers
1995: Joe Smith (Maryland) — Golden State Warriors
1994: Glen Robinson (Purdue) — Milwaukee Bucks
1993: Chris Webber (Michigan) — Orlando Magic
1992: Shaquille O’Neal (LSU) — Orlando Magic
1991: Larry Johnson (UNLV) — Charlotte Hornets
1990: Derrick Coleman (Syracuse) — Charlotte Hornets

Click here to look at the full list of No. 1 overall NBA draft picks dating back to 1947.

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Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy thanked President Donald Trump after they had a talk Wednesday at the NATO summit in the Netherlands — months after Vice President JD Vance called out Zelenskyy for not voicing more gratitude for U.S. support for Kyiv as it battles Moscow. 

When Zelenskyy visited the White House in February he sparred openly with Trump and Vance in the Oval Office over engaging in diplomacy with Russia to end the conflict, prompting Vance to ask the Ukrainian leader if he’d ‘said thank you once this entire meeting.’

But on Wednesday Zelenskyy made sure to thank Trump and the U.S. in a post on X following their meeting in The Hague. 

‘We covered all the truly important issues. I thank Mr. President, I thank the United States. We discussed how to achieve a ceasefire and a real peace,’ Zelenskyy said in a post on X on Wednesday. ‘We spoke about how to protect our people. We appreciate the attention and the readiness to help bring peace closer. Details will follow.’

Trump, Vance and Zelenskyy’s infamous Oval Office meeting in February started after Zelenskyy challenged Vance’s statements that diplomacy was the correct avenue to end the conflict. Zelenskyy questioned the value of diplomacy, noting that Russian President Vladimir Putin has broken other agreements in the past.

‘What kind of diplomacy, JD, you are speaking about?’ Zelenskyy said. ‘What do you mean?’

Vance said, ‘I’m talking about the kind of diplomacy that’s going to end the destruction of your country.’

‘Mr. President, with respect, I think it’s disrespectful for you to come into the Oval Office to try to litigate this in front of the American media,’ Vance said. ‘Right now, you guys are going around and forcing conscripts to the front lines because you have manpower problems. You should be thanking the president for bringing it, to bring it into this country.’

Following the tense exchange, Trump announced a halt to peace negotiations and said that Zelenskyy could return to the White House when he was ‘ready’ for peace. Just after leaving the White House, Zelenskyy issued a post on X thanking the U.S., Trump, Congress and the American people for backing Ukraine. 

Although Zelenskyy and Trump continued to exchange harsh barbs at one another following the Oval Office visit, they’ve subsequently spoken over the phone and met in person at St. Peter’s Basilica in Vatican City during Pope Francis’ April funeral. 

Meanwhile, Trump said Wednesday that his administration has not been able to finalize a peace deal with Ukraine and Russia, claiming that both leaders have been more challenging to work with than expected. 

‘Vladimir Putin has been more difficult,’ Trump told reporters Wednesday. ‘Frankly, I had some problems with Zelenskyy. You may have read about him, and it’s been more difficult than other wars.’ 

Still, Trump said that his meeting with Zelenskyy went smoothly, and that he would be speaking to Putin as well. 

‘He’s very nice, actually,’ Trump said of Zelenskyy. ‘A little rough at times. He couldn’t have been nicer. I think he’d like to see an end to this.’ 

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An Israeli assessment determined that the U.S. strikes on Iran set the country’s nuclear program back ‘many years.’ 

The Israel Atomic Energy Commission said that the U.S. destroyed ‘critical infrastructure’ at the Fordow nuclear facility and rendered it ‘inoperable.’

‘The devastating U.S. strike on Fordow destroyed the site’s critical infrastructure and rendered the enrichment facility inoperable. We assess that the American strikes on Iran’s nuclear facilities, combined with Israeli strikes on other elements of Iran’s military nuclear program, have set back Iran’s ability to develop nuclear weapons by many years,’ the Israel Atomic Energy Commission said in a statement. ‘The achievement can continue indefinitely if Iran does not get access to nuclear material.’

The Israeli assessment seemingly aligns with the Iranian Foreign Ministry spokesperson Esmail Baghaei’s statement on the status of the site. According to The Associated Press, Baghaei said that the country’s ‘nuclear installations have been badly damaged, that’s for sure.’

In the early hours of June 22 local time, Iran’s Fordow, Natanz and Isfahan nuclear facilities were hit. U.S. B-2 stealth bombers used 30,000-pound bunker busters on Fordow, which was Iran’s main underground enrichment site. 

Israel hit the site again on Monday as the country carried out strikes on roads leading to the underground facility.

The latest strike on Fordow comes as the Israel Defense Forces said Israel also launched a series of strikes targeting the notorious Evin prison and several Iranian military command centers in an ‘ongoing effort to degrade the Iranian regime’s military capabilities.’

Iran’s nuclear chief, Mohammad Eslami, said on Tuesday that the country was assessing the damage and preparing to restore the facilities, according to Reuters. He added that Iran’s ‘plan is to prevent interruptions in the process of production and services.’ 

Both President Donald Trump and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu vowed to respond if Iran rebuilds its nuclear program.

Fox News Digital’s Stephen Sorace contributed to this report.

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The headlines may proclaim a ceasefire, but let us be clear: the Israeli-Iranian war is far from over. What we are witnessing is not peace—it is a tactical intermission. The guns may be momentarily silent, but the war remains alive in motive, method, and mindset.

Don’t be fooled. Israel-Iran ceasefire represents tactical intermission, not lasting peace

President Donald Trump’s June 23 announcement of a ‘complete and total ceasefire’ between Israel and Iran brought a welcome pause to twelve days of deadly escalation. Yet his own remarks in the hours that followed, including en route to the NATO summit, betrayed the precarious nature of that agreement—and the volatility of the players involved.

Just before boarding Air Force One, Trump issued a pointed public rebuke: ‘Calm down, Israel!’ He warned Prime Minister Benajamin Netanyahu that any strike against Iran after the ceasefire’s effective hour would constitute a violation. His words reflected not only diplomatic urgency but the fragility of the arrangement he had just announced.

And yet, within hours, both Iran and Israel reportedly launched limited retaliatory actions. Trump, visibly frustrated, criticized both sides for breaking faith: ‘They don’t know what the f*** they’re doing.’ He added: ‘I gotta get Israel to calm down now,’ underscoring the degree to which U.S. pressure—not mutual trust—was the linchpin of the ceasefire’s early survival.

Therein lies the truth: the war has not ended. It has simply shifted forms.

Is the war between Israel and Iran over? Only if we define ‘war’ in the narrowest kinetic terms. But if we understand war as a clash of wills, ideologies, and strategic aims—then this war continues, just under a different banner.

There is no treaty, no verification regime, and no mutual recognition of legitimacy between the two states. Iran continues to deny Israel’s right to exist, and Israel views Iran’s nuclear program—and its regional proxy network—as existential threats. A formal cessation of hostilities requires more than silence; it requires resolution. We are nowhere near that.

To understand why this war is not over, consider the strategic objectives of each side. Israel’s campaign was aimed at degrading Iran’s nuclear infrastructure—particularly the underground enrichment site at Fordow. While successful in the short term, it did not eliminate Iran’s scientific knowledge or ideological commitment to nuclear capability. Tehran still possesses the technical talent, the raw materials, and—most dangerously—the motivation to rebuild and accelerate its weapons program.

Iran’s retaliatory missile strikes on Israel and U.S. bases in Qatar and Iraq—though largely intercepted—served as symbolic warnings. More importantly, Tehran signaled that it retains the capacity to strike deep into the region. That message wasn’t just for Tel Aviv—it was for Washington, Riyadh, and the world.

Behind the scenes, the shadow war continues. Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps still arms Hezbollah in Lebanon, trains militias in Iraq and Syria, and directs proxy warfare through the Houthis in Yemen. Israeli airstrikes on Damascus and other locations in Syria persist, albeit in a lower-key fashion. Cyber operations, drone surveillance, and intelligence targeting remain on full alert. These are not post-war conditions. These are indicators of an unresolved and evolving conflict.

Even the diplomacy surrounding the ceasefire reflects its fragility. The agreement was brokered through indirect channels, with no official joint communiqué, no UN endorsement, and no follow-on roadmap. Iran has not re-engaged with the International Atomic Energy Agency. Israel, understandably, maintains its right to strike again if necessary. The rhetoric has cooled, but the posture remains hardened.

And then there is the political reality. Leaders in both countries face domestic constituencies who are skeptical of compromise. Hardliners in Tehran see the ceasefire as a pause to reload, not a step toward reconciliation. In Jerusalem, the Israeli public broadly supports preemptive action against a nuclear-armed adversary. Neither side has the political incentive—nor the strategic trust—to walk away from confrontation.

So, is the war over? Only if we define ‘war’ in the narrowest kinetic terms. But if we understand war as a clash of wills, ideologies, and strategic aims—then this war continues, just under a different banner.

The international community must not confuse this quiet with peace. Rather, it must prepare for what comes next: a sustained period of covert confrontation, regional volatility, and the ever-present risk of open warfare returning with little warning. Diplomats must act urgently, not naively. Military leaders must remain on alert. And political leaders—especially in Washington—must resist the temptation to declare victory before the conflict is truly resolved.

Trump’s visible exasperation and his blunt warnings serve as a reminder: this ceasefire is no more secure than the tempers and tactics of the adversaries it binds. The Israeli-Iranian war is not over. It has simply entered its next, and perhaps most perilous, phase.

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The Trump White House is waiving executive privilege for key former Biden administration aides who have been summoned by Republicans on the House Oversight Committee.

Chair James Comer, R-Ky., is probing the alleged cover-up of former President Joe Biden’s mental decline. 

Letters obtained by Fox News Digital via a source familiar with the matter show the Trump administration will not allow the people of interest in Comer’s probe to use their past White House work as a legal shield.

Deputy Counsel to the President Gary Lawkowski sent the letters to former Biden Chief of Staff Ron Klain, former senior advisors Anita Dunn, Steve Ricchetti, Mike Donilon, Annie Tomasini, Bruce Reed and Ashley Williams, and Anthony Bernal, former advisor to former first lady Jill Biden.

‘In light of the unique and extraordinary nature of the matters under investigation, President Trump has determined that an assertion of executive privilege is not in the national interest, and therefore is not justified, with respect to particular subjects within the purview of the House Oversight Committee,’ the letters said.

‘Those subjects include your assessment of former President Biden’s fitness for the office of the President and your knowledge of who exercised executive powers during his administration.’

Both congressional Republicans and the White House are investigating whether those senior Biden aides played any role in keeping concerns about the elderly former president’s mental acuity shielded from the public eye and even from lower-level White House staff.

It is not clear if any of the aforementioned former Biden aides planned to claim executive privilege in communications with the committee, but it is not unheard of for a new administration to waive it for investigations involving its predecessor.

The Biden administration waived executive privilege for records sought by the now-defunct House select committee on the Jan. 6 Capitol attack in 2021.

The Biden White House also rejected executive privilege claims made by Peter Navarro and Michael Flynn in that panel’s investigation. However, the latest movement in Comer’s probe comes after he and committee staff held their first closed-door interview with one of Biden’s former aides.

Neera Tanden appeared on Capitol Hill for an hourslong sworn deposition Tuesday. As it had for others, the Trump White House waived any claim to executive privilege for Tanden’s sitdown.

She told reporters afterward that there was ‘absolutely not’ any effort by senior aides to disguise Biden’s mental state.

‘I answered every question, was pleased to discuss my public service, and it was a thorough process, and I’m glad I answered everyone’s question,’ Tanden also said.

A source familiar with the matter told Fox News Digital that Tanden testified she had minimal interaction with Biden in her role as staff secretary.

‘To obtain approval for autopen signatures, she would send decision memos to members of the President’s inner circle. She stated that she was not aware of what actions or approvals occurred between the time she sent the memo and the time she received it back with approval,’ the source said.

Bernal is set to sit down with Comer and investigators for his own testimony on Thursday.

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Now he wants to be just like one of the instructors – Travis Kelce.

McBride joined ESPN’s ‘NFL Live’ from Tight End University on Tuesday, June 24, where he was asked about any particular inspiration from someone at the program. He highlighted the connection that Kelce has with Patrick Mahomes on the Kansas City Chiefs, saying that he would like to replicate that with Kyler Murray.

‘Travis, he would always give us some nuggets on being friendly to the quarterback,’ McBride told ESPN’s Laura Rutledge and Dan Orlovsky. ‘Make sure you and your quarterback are on the same page. He kind of plays it a little bit. Him and Mahomes have a nice connection and I kind of took that and I’m like, ‘Why can’t Kyler and I have that same connection?”

McBride continued, saying he tries to be a security option for Murray.

‘I feel like that’s what I tried to do,’ McBride said. ‘I tried to have that same relationship and that growth with Kyler and just continue to make plays for him and be that security blanket. If he needs somewhere to go with the ball, he always can throw it to me and that’s what I’m trying to do for him.’

The Arizona Cardinals star has broken out over the last two seasons, continuing his ascent with a big year in 2024 that saw him earn his first Pro Bowl appearance.

That led to McBride inking a four-year, $76 million extension to remain in the desert – a deal that made him the position’s highest-paid player at the time. George Kittle eventually surpassed him with his four-year, $76.4 million contract with the San Francisco 49ers.

The arrow continues to point up for the 25-year-old McBride. He finished fourth in the league with 111 receptions and 11th in receiving yards with 1,146 – both ranking second amongst tight ends, trailing the Raiders’ Brock Bowers.

McBride’s next step will come with scoring more touchdowns. He’s totaled just six in his career and only four of the have come on a pass from Murray.

The duo can fly up-and-down the field with ease. If Murray-to-McBride is going to be the next Mahomes-to-Kelce, it’ll need to feature the end zone more often.

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Julio Cesar Chavez Jr., who is set to fight Jake Paul in a 10-round cruiserweight bout Saturday, June 28, hit boxing’s DNA lottery.

He is the son of arguably the greatest Mexican boxer ever, Julio Cesar Chavez Sr. He also is a former WBC world middleweight champion who has fought the likes of Canelo Alvarez and world champions such as Sergio Martinez and Daniel Jacobs.

So why will Paul be the decisive betting favorite against Chavez when the men square off at the Honda Center in Anaheim, California, in a pay-per-view fight carried by DAZN?

Paul is listed as low as a -750 favorite, meaning bettors must wager $750 to win $100. Chavez is listed as low as +450, meaning bettors would win $450 on a wager of $100.

“Chavez Jr. is definitely the best boxer Paul has faced,’’ said Shane Volk, risk manager at Circa Sportsbook in Las Vegas.

Jay Kornegay, executive vice president of race and sportsbook operations at the Westgate SuperBook, said, “Chavez has an opportunity to cash in not only this fight, but a possible rematch.’’

But Chavez’s boxing DNA and old world championship go only so far when it comes to setting the lines, according to the experts. (It also bears noting that while Chavez stepped inside the ring with Alvarez, Martinez and Jacobs, he also lost all three of those fights.)

Jake Paul, Chavez share common opponent

Both Chavez and Paul have stepped inside the boxing ring with Anderson Silva, the legendary MMA fighter.

Chavez faced him in 2021, when Silva had only two pro boxing matches. Chavez came into the bout 2.4 pounds over the maximum weight of 182 pounds, forfeited $100,000 of his purse to Silva as a result and then lost the eight-round fight by split decision.

Silva, then 46, out-landed Chavez in power punches, 60-41, and in overall punches, 99-53.

In 2022, Paul got his shot against Silva, then 2-2 as a pro boxer. Paul knocked him down in the eighth round, the final round of their fight, and won the bout by unanimous decision. Paul out-landed Silva in total punches, 83-79, and Silva out-landed Paul in power punches, 66-51.

‘Jake was better than me today,’ Silva said. ‘I have nothing bad to say about my opponent.’

There was no such praise for Chavez.

Watch the Jake Paul vs. Julio Cesar Chavez Jr. fight on DAZN

Recent activity favors Jake Paul

Chavez won the WBC world middleweight championship in 2011 with a victory over Sebastian Zbik by majority decision. At the time, Paul was 14 years old.

Now Paul is 28. Chavez is 39, and has not displayed his championship form in more than a decade.

Chavez (54-6-1, 34 KOs) has fought 49 more pro bouts than has Paul (11-1, 7 KOs). But since December 2021, Chavez has fought only once — a lackluster victory in a six-round fight over Uriah Hall, who had boxed professionally only once before, by unanimous decision. He has lost three of his six last fights, which included quitting after the fifth round in his bout against Jacobs.

By contrast, Paul has fought seven times since December 2021, and is coming off a victory over Mike Tyson by unanimous decision on Nov. 15, 2024.  

Troubles outside of the ring

Paul, who embarked on his pro boxing career in January 2020, said the sport saved him. Stunts like setting a fire in the backyard of a West Hollywood home in which he lived cost him a lucrative acting job with the Disney Channel in 2017.

Chavez has had issues outside the ring, too.

In January 2024, he was arrested in Los Angeles on charges of felony gun possession charges after police said they found him in possession of two AR-style ghost rifles, according to ESPN and other published reports. He pleaded not guilty to the gun possession charges and agreed to enter residential treatment program, according to published reports. Court records indicate Chavez was granted pretrial diversion.

He’s faced other issues.

In 2009, after a victory over Troy Rowland, Chavez tested positive for a banned diuretic and was suspended for seven months by the Nevada State Athletic Commission (NSAC). In 2012, after his fight with Martinez, he tested positive for cannabis and was suspended for nine months by the NSAC. In 2019, before his fight with Jacobs, he refused to take a drug test and was suspended again by the NSAC.

‘Obviously his father had a historic, Hall of Fame career, and following those footsteps is very difficult,” said Kornegay, who suggested Chavez’s focus has come under question. Paul, by contrast, sounds laser focused on winning a world title no matter how farfetched his critics might think that is.

What betting line experts say

Alex Rella of BetMGM said, “… Chavez was a champion over a dozen years ago and he lost to Anderson Silva in 2021 who then lost to Jake Paul in 2022. Fight math may not be perfect, but it can help be indicative of the times and why Jake Paul is a -600 favorite (at BetMGM.)’’

Shane Volk of Circa Sports said, ‘There are multiple reasons that Jake Paul is the favorite. When you look at familiar opponents Jake Paul beat Anderson Silva and Chavez Jr. lost to him. When Chavez Jr. was younger and active he would tire going into the later rounds.  I think with Chavez Jr. getting older he’ll struggle in the later rounds.’’

Westgate SuperBook’s Kornegay said he wonders if Chavez sees his fight as a “paycheck’’ and added, “the boxing experts in Las Vegas said that he had some potential but got distracted with the out-of-the-ring thing.’’

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With not many NBA teams having the kind of salary cap space to create fireworks in free agency, trades surrounding the draft have made late June the ideal time for blockbuster moves.

Kevin Durant traded to Houston. Desmond Bane traded to Orlando. Jrue Holiday traded to Portland for Anfernee Simons.

The Boston Celtics continued to reshape their roster under Celtics president of basketball operations Brad Stevens. Boston reached a deal to send Kristaps Porziņģis to Atlanta in a three-team deal that gives the Brooklyn Nets another first-round pick in the draft on Wednesday, June 25.

The Nets get Terance Mann and the No. 22 pick in the draft from Atlanta; he Hawks get a second-round pick in addition to Porziņģis; and the Celtics received Georges Niang from Atlanta and a second-round pick.

Grading the Celtics-Hawks-Nets trade:

Brooklyn Nets: A

The Nets, who have won just 58 games the past two seasons, now have five first-round picks in the 2025 NBA Draft: No. 8, No. 19, No. 22, No. 26 and No. 27 — and it wouldn’t be a surprise if they packaged picks to move up in the draft or make a deal for a big-name player.

They are undergoing another rebuild and are trying to regain as much draft capital as possible to expedite the process. Though Mann is entering the first season of a three-year contract extension he signed with the Los Angeles Clippers before getting moved to Atlanta at the 2025 trade deadline, it’s a manageable deal at approximately $15.5 million per season.

Boston Celtics: B-

This was a move the Celtics, frankly, needed to do. In conjunction with the Jrue Holiday trade, the Celtics are now out of the second apron, which triggers massive penalties and sanctions on teams that exceed the threshold. With the Celtics under new ownership, the bill for building their star-studded starting lineup was essentially coming due.

According to an ESPN front office insider, the Holiday and Porziņģis trades are trimming $180 million in luxury tax payments. Georges Niang is, at best, a player that will come off the bench, but one who can go on scoring spurts. Does the trade make the Celtics more competitive? No. Does it give them roster flexibility? Unquestionably. Now, the team can look to make corresponding moves to stay competitive on the cheap.

Atlanta Hawks: B+

In a wide open East — one in which the Pacers, Celtics and Bucks will be dealing with torn Achilles injuries to star players — the Hawks could emerge as a sleeper team. Trae Young is the team’s unquestioned leader and led the NBA with 11.6 assists per game. Adding Porziņģis, a stretch big with deep range, should open up Atlanta’s offense. Porziņģis is also a plus rim protector who should bolster Atlanta’s defense, which was tied for 18th in defensive efficiency (114.8).

With Young, Porziņģis, 2024 No. 1 overall pick Zaccahrie Risacher, budding star Jalen Johnson, Defensive Player of the Year finalist Dyson Daniels and the improving Onyeka Okongwu, the Hawks have a strong, young core. But, as always with Porziņģis, who has played in 258 of a possible 400 games since 2020, the big question is health.

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