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Former Speaker of the House Newt Gingrich condemned the wave of federal judges blocking President Donald Trump’s agenda as a ‘judicial coup d’etat’ on Tuesday.

Gingrich made the comments while testifying at a House Judiciary subcommittee hearing focused on ‘judicial overreach’ by U.S. district court judges across the country. The former lawmaker highlighted that the vast majority of judges filing injunctions or restraining orders against Trump’s executive actions have been appointed by Democrats.

‘Mr. Gingrich, I’m told that 92% of the judges who have issued blanket injunctions against the administration have been appointed by Democrats. That at least suggests a partisan tilt to all of this… doesn’t that undermine public confidence in our courts?’ Rep. Tom McClintock, R-Calif., asked at the hearing.

‘If you look at the recent reports from various polling firms, clearly a majority of Americans believe that no single district judge should be able to issue a nationwide injunction,’ Gingrich responded.

‘Look, my judgment is as a historian. This is clearly a judicial coup d’etat. You don’t have this many different judges issue this many different nationwide injunctions – all of them coming from the same ideological and political background – and just assume it’s all random efforts of justice,’ he continued.

‘This is a clear effort to stop the scale of change that President Trump represents,’ he added.

Gingrich went on to argue that it is unacceptable for ‘random’ judges to micromanage the president of the United States.

‘They put both Americans and the nation at risk when they intervene to become basically alternative presidents. You now have potentially 677 alternative presidents, none of whom won an election,’ he said.

The best solution for the wave of injunctions is for Supreme Court Chief Justice John Roberts to intervene, Gingrich said. Roberts could ensure that any such rulings from lower federal courts could move straight up to the Supreme Court.

At the center of the court controversy is District Judge James Boasberg, who attempted to block the Trump administration from deporting members of the Tren de Aragua gang to El Salvador. Other judges have placed injunctions on Trump’s efforts to trim down the federal government.

House Speaker Mike Johnson, R-La., met privately with Republican judiciary committee members last week for what sources called a ‘brainstorming’ session on how to respond to judges like Boasberg.

Ideas raised by lawmakers included a fast-tracked appeals process, wielding Congress’ spending power over the judiciary, and limiting the ability to ‘judge shop.’

And some conservatives are eager to target specific judges they believe are abusing their power via the impeachment process, but House Republican leaders are wary of that route and believe it to be less effective than other legislative avenues.

Fox News’ Elizabeth Elkind contributed to this report.

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A U.S. appeals court on Monday rejected the Trump administration’s request to pause a lower court ruling that temporarily blocked its ban on transgender military service members – a near-term blow as the administration signals it may take the case to the Supreme Court.

The three-judge panel on the 9th Circuit Court of Appeals denied the administration’s request for an administrative stay, which would have allowed it to enforce the ban while a lower court weighs the case.

Instead, the appellate court decision leaves in place, for now, a preliminary injunction handed down late last month by U.S. District Judge Benjamin Settle. That decision blocked the Trump administration from identifying and removing transgender service members for the near-term while the case proceeds in lower court.

‘The Department of Justice has vigorously defended President Trump’s executive actions, including the Prioritizing Military Excellence and Readiness Executive Order, and will continue to do so,’ a spokesperson for the Justice Department told Fox News Digital. 

The Trump administration filed its appeal to the 9th Circuit last week, seeking to overturn Judge Settle’s preliminary injunction. 

In court filings, the government argued that the transgender military policy ‘furthers the government’s important interests in military readiness, unit cohesion, good order and discipline, and avoiding disproportionate costs.’

However, the policy has already faced a wave of early legal challenges.

Settle, who is based in Tacoma, Washington, is not the only federal judge to block the Trump administration’s transgender military ban this year. Last month, U.S. District Judge Ana Reyes also temporarily blocked Trump’s ban, citing what she described as a lack of evidence to support the administration’s stated rationale for the policy.

Reyes vehemently contested the government’s assertion that being transgender is ‘not consistent with the humility and selflessness required of a service member.’ 

Reyes noted in a scathing, 79-page ruling that transgender service members have provided a combined total of ‘over 130 years of military service,’ have been deployed around the globe, including currently in an active combat zone, and together have earned more than 80 commendations and medals for their service. 

The three-judge panel for the U.S. Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit broke with Reyes’s order, however – agreeing to grant the Trump administration an administrative stay.

Still, the judges stressed that the stay ‘should not be construed in any way as a ruling on the merits’ of the case. The panel also said they reserve the right to reconsider the administrative stay if the military is found to have taken adverse action against passenger service members. 

President Donald Trump ordered the ban in question shortly after taking office in a January executive order. The order states that the ‘adoption of a gender identity inconsistent with an individual’s sex conflicts with a soldier’s commitment to an honorable, truthful, and disciplined lifestyle, even in one’s personal life’ – which plaintiffs have vigorously contested. 

The case is one of many that will likely be kicked up to the Supreme Court.

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Lt. Gen. Daniel ‘Razin’ Caine, President Donald Trump’s nominee to be the U.S. top military officer, side-stepped questions from Senate Democrats about his view on the recent Signal leak controversy roiling the Trump administration, but he did say the ‘element of surprise’ should be safeguarded as a result of the incident. 

Democrats, including Sens. Richard Blumenthal, D-Conn., Jack Reed, D-R.I., and Mazie Hirono, D-Hawaii, repeatedly asked Caine about how he would respond to hypothetical scenarios regarding the leak, during a Thursday confirmation hearing in front of the Senate Armed Services Committee. Caine, careful with his responses, repeatedly stressed the importance of ‘preserv[ing] the element of surprise,’ adding that he has ‘always’ communicated sensitive information using the proper channels. 

Blumenthal charged that the ‘element of surprise was very likely lost’ as a result of the leak. 

While the Trump administration and its supporters have denied that anything discussed in the Signal chat amounted to war plans, critics have disagreed, citing the fact the chats included a detailed timeline about a U.S. attack on Houthi rebels in Yemen.

‘Because of your extraordinary service, general, I can’t imagine anyone better qualified to answer this question,’ Blumenthal said to Caine. ‘Knowing what you do, about the substance of that conversation, how would you feel?’

‘Well, Senator, I stand by what I said before. I think we all can agree that we need to always protect the element of surprise,’ Caine said.

‘And that element of surprise was very likely lost, if there had been any intercept by one of our enemies or adversaries that could be conveyed to the Houthis. Correct?’ Blumenthal asked. 

‘That’s a little bit of a hypothetical question, but, I am thankful, as always, that we we protect our servicemen and women who are going into combat operation,’ Caine replied.

Hirono questioned Caine with a similar hypothetical but went a step further and asked if he would ‘just let this matter drop,’ as she claimed the Trump administration is doing.

‘It’s really not a hypothetical. It is what is confronting this administration,’ Hirono said.

‘Given the fact that the chairman and ranking member have asked for an investigation, I don’t want to comment on the particulars,’ Caine relented as Hirono hounded for an answer. ‘I do want to stay at the strategic altitude and say that we should always preserve the element of surprise.’

Reed proceeded to ask Ciane if he ‘were on that conversation’ would he have ‘objected to the fact that it was being conducted on Signal?’

‘Well, Senator, you know, I was not in that chat,’ Caine responded.

‘I know that that’s why I asked if you were,’ Reed said.

Caine asserted that he has ‘always communicated proper information in the proper channels.’

Caine was tapped by Trump to replace Biden-appointed Gen. Charles Q. ‘C.Q.’ Brown Jr. after he was fired in February.

The Joint Chiefs of Staff (JCS) is a group of senior military officials who advise the president, the Secretary of Defense and the National Security Council on military matters. The JCS consists of the highest-ranking officers from the U.S. Army, Navy, Air Force, Marine Corps and National Guard, with the chairman serving as the highest principal military advisor.

The chairman is typically required to have served as a four-star general in charge of a military service branch or as a combatant commander, qualifications Caine does not possess. However, the president has the authority to waive these requirements if deemed necessary for national interests. 

Caine’s extensive Air Force military background includes serving as a decorated F-16 combat pilot and playing critical roles in special intelligence operations. Given the slim Republican majority, his full Senate confirmation would require near-unanimous support from Republican senators.

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Tesla CEO Elon Musk said Sunday that his involvement in the Trump administration could be hurting the automaker’s stock price.

Speaking at a town hall event in Wisconsin, Musk said his role with the so-called Department of Government Efficiency — which is pushing for widespread government job cuts — is creating backlash against his electric car company and hurting the stock.

“What they’re trying to do is put massive pressure on me, and Tesla I guess, to … stop doing this,” Musk said, according to Bloomberg News. “My Tesla stock and the stock of everyone who holds Tesla has gone, went roughly in half. I mean it’s a big deal.”

Elon Musk at a Cabinet meeting at the White House on March 24.Win McNamee / Getty Images

Shares of Tesla entered Monday already down more than 34% year to date, and the stock has been cut nearly in half from its peak in December. Shares were down an additional 6% in premarket trading Monday.

Tesla’s stock is trading at a little more than half of its highest level from December.

The drop for the stock could be a “buying opportunity” for the long term, said Musk, who was in Wisconsin ahead of a state supreme court election there. Musk has campaigned for the conservative candidate and spent more than $12 million on the race, in addition to giving $1 million each to two voters at Sunday’s rally for signing a petition against “activist judges.”

The slumping stock isn’t the only sign of public anger with Musk for his political work. Protesters demonstrated at Tesla dealerships over the weekend, and there have been reports of vandalism against vehicles and dealers across the country.

Musk’s role in politics is not limited to DOGE. He publicly campaigned with Trump in 2024 and has been a regular presence at the White House since the new administration took over in January. He also regularly comments on many different political topics on X, the social media company he owns.

The CEO’s rising political profile comes amid signs that Tesla’s core business is slowing. The automaker’s vehicle deliveries declined in 2024, and preliminary data has shown that sales are down again early this year, especially in Europe. In a note to clients Sunday, investment firm Stifel trimmed its price target on the stock and lowered its sales projections for Tesla.

Musk’s political dealings may not be the only reason for Tesla’s struggles. Other U.S. auto stocks have also labored in recent weeks, partly because of threats of higher tariffs on imported goods into the U.S. and retaliation from overseas trading partners, adding uncertainty to an industry whose supply chains are tightly woven among the U.S., Canada and Mexico.

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Somebody’s going to pay, John Mateer promises. Maybe even all of ‘em.

For the love of all things Oklahoma, pump that Crimson and Cream attitude, that Sooner Magic bravado, deep into the veins of the suddenly stale program.

They’ve hitched their immediate future to this straight-shooting, no frills, uber-talented quarterback with something to prove. To the quarterback no one wanted out of high school, whose football path unceremoniously unfolded from tiny Central Arkansas, to Washington State ― to now you’re all going to pay. 

Every last one of you who passed on him.

“I’m from the south, and all of these SEC teams recruit the south,” Mateer told USA TODAY Sports. “So I guess they all passed on me.”

He pauses for a moment, understanding the enormity of the statement and how it will land in an SEC world where it’s not religion, it’s your very existence.

“Even Oklahoma passed on me,” Mateer continues. “So now it’s great. It’s all on the schedule. There’s a couple (teams) here and there that really make me mad. I’m not over it.”

This is the future of Oklahoma football, everyone. It’s equal parts Baker Mayfield and Cam Ward (more on that later), and embattled Sooners coach Brent Venables. 

In one season as a starter at Washington State, Mateer threw for 3,139 yards and 29 TDs, and rushed for 826 yards and 15 TDs. No wonder Venables threw a load of NIL money at his spirit animal.

Show change, be change, as Venables likes to preach.

“His intensity, his focus is off the charts,” Venables said.

But this isn’t a story of chasing NIL dollars. Mateer was happy at Washington State, loved his coaches and teammates and the bucolic yet quirky town in Eastern Washington. 

He played high school football in Texas against Ashton Jeanty, who like Mateer was ignored by power conference schools until he showed out. He knew Jeanty turned down a large NIL payday to stay at Boise State and build a legacy ― then went out and did it.

It wasn’t easy for Mateer to walk away from the one program that gave him an opportunity to play Bowl Subdivision football, that plucked him from a commitment to Central Arkansas and told him he would sit and learn behind another rags to (money) bags story named Ward.

Mateer waited two seasons, and got his first opportunity to start in 2024. Three months later and after accounting for 44 touchdowns – a bigger and better season than anything Ward produced in Pullman – Cougars coach Jake Dickert knew what was next. 

“He’ll be the most sought-after player in the transfer portal,” Dickert said.

It is here where we connect the dots, and explain the subtleties of player procurement in the current environment of college football. Two days after Washington State lost to Wyoming in the season final, Venables hired Cougars offensive coordinator Ben Arbuckle.

Two weeks later, Mateer was on the phone with Mayfield trying to make a decision: sign with Oklahoma, or get an early start on learning a pro offense by signing with the guy who has six Super Bowl rings — and just happened to coach the greatest quarterback of all. 

While a nice perk, NIL cash had nothing to do with it. The decision came down to what Mateer knew and was comfortable with, and what could be with Bill Belichick at North Carolina.  

He got a nudge.

“Baker told me it wasn’t a big problem going from the Air Raid to the pro game. Similar concepts,” Mateer said, and then laughed. “But I’m sure he wasn’t biased at all.” 

Not long after that, Mateer was in the football facility at Oklahoma with a group of other first-timers from the transfer portal and early freshmen enrollees. They were going through orientation, and shuffling through stations while the rest of the team had begun offseason training. 

When Mateer arrived at Oklahoma, safeties coach Brandon Hall told him a good quarterback gives everyone in the building hope. On the first day of workouts, when Mateer barely knew anyone’s name or story, his new teammates pushed him to the front of the line on the first run.

Show change, be change.

“That meant a lot to me,” Mateer said. “They wanted someone to come in and take charge.”

Want to know why it all fell apart for the Sooners in their first season in the SEC, why only an upset of Alabama in November prevented the worst conference record in nearly 100 years? 

Because when Oklahoma moved on from quarterback Dillon Gabriel after the 2023 season – depending on whom you ask, Gabriel was either forced out or left on his own – for hotshot bluechip recruit Jackson Arnold, everything changed. 

The offense struggled to score points, and more important, lost its attacking identity. A multitude of injuries didn’t help, but it was clear that Arnold – benched midway through the season – wasn’t the answer. 

It took two days for Venables to change course with Arbuckle, who helped Oklahoma land Mateer, who now helps Arbuckle with the offense install during spring practice. And now the Sooners are staring at a Cam Ward-type impact in 2025. 

‘It’s not for me to look at this as I’m the savior of a program.” Mateer said. “I don’t get caught up in that. Success is winning games.”

Yeah, well, it doesn’t hurt to prove a point and make others pay along the way. Just ask the last quarterback from Texas who arrived in Norman with a 10-gallon chip on his shoulder.

If it looks like Mayfield and sounds like Mayfield, OU can only hope it plays out like Mayfield.

“Hopefully,” Mateer said, “Everybody will be paying for it.”

Matt Hayes is the senior national college football writer for USA TODAY Sports Network. Follow him on X at @MattHayesCFB.

This post appeared first on USA TODAY

WEST SACRAMENTO ― The Chicago Cubs refused to complain about the minor-league ballpark, their cramped clubhouse, the long walk between the clubhouse and dugout and the chilly night.

They instead decided to embrace life playing back at a Triple-A ballpark, savor the unique experience and promptly went out Monday and crushed the Athletics at Sutter Health Park.

And, hey, if it’s OK by MLB officials, they’re willing to hang around town as long as they like.

The Cubs went out and pummeled the Athletics,18-3, with 21 hits, six doubles, four home runs and a triple in front of a sellout crowd of 12,192.

They made their own history with catcher Carson Kelly becoming the first Cubs’ player to hit for the cycle since Mark Grace in 1993.

It was that kind of night.

Kelly, who stepped to the plate in the eighth inning, needing a triple for history, hit a line drive to right-center field. It caromed off the fence and bounced away from A’s center fielder JJ Bleday.

‘When I saw it ricochet,’ Kelly said, ‘I was like, ‘Oh boy. This is it right there.”

He sprinted around second base, and running as fast as his legs would carry him, went into third base standing up.

‘That was probably the fastest,’ Kelly said, ‘you’ve ever seen me run.’

He broke into a wide smile, the Cubs bench erupted, and he threw his hands high in the air.

After the game, Kelly was doused with enough beer for a college fraternity party.

‘I’ve been in the same position before where I needed a triple for the cycle,’ Kelly said. ‘And if anybody’s ever looked up my numbers, I have two triples, so odds are not in my favor, right?’

And even on those two triples, Kelly, 30, confessed, outfielders ran into the wall and fell down.

‘It’s pretty crazy,’ Cubs outfielder Ian Happ said. ‘Not a bad debut for the ballpark.’

The cycle was so unexpected that several Cubs confessed they really didn’t even have it on their minds when Kelly stepped to the plate.

‘I didn’t realize he had a chance at a cycle,’ Cubs manager Craig Counsell said, ‘but when that ball kicked off the wall, the dugout started going crazy, so I figured something was going on. They’re fun days, they’re rare days, they’re once-in-a-lifetime type days for players.’

Kelly, who took out a new bat (no, not the torpedo) for the first time, says it will now become a family heirloom while the baseball from the triple will be preserved.

‘Pretty special,’ Kelly said. ‘You know, great accomplishment, something that I never thought I would get. Just very fortunate, blessed, a lot of great teammates pumping me up, so all in all, just a special night.’’

It’s a night none of the Cubs will forget, already equaling their entire 2024 season-high for runs and hits in a season. Kelly was one of four Cubs’ players with at least three hits, including outfielder Kyle Tucker, who went 4-for-7 with a double, homer, four runs and three RBI.

“It was a fun atmosphere, I thought,’’ Counsell said. “It’s the first big-league game here. You enjoy it, you embrace it, it’s a new baseball experience.’’

“I thought the atmosphere was great,’’ Cubs shortstop Dansby Swanson said. “I thought the fans were awesome. Everybody was here ready to have fun and cause a little ruckus, which is always appreciated.

“So just glad we were able to be part of opening this thing up.

“No complaints.’’

Follow Nightengale on X: @Bnightengale

This post appeared first on USA TODAY

The NCAA men’s basketball tournament’s main event is at hand, and a strong case could be made that any of the four teams left standing could wind up cutting down the nets in San Antonio Monday night.

First and foremost, of course, they’re all No. 1 seeds as bracket followers well know. The accomplished foursome has a cumulative record of 135-16. Three of the four won their conference tournaments, and the fourth won a the regular-title of the best league and a prestigious holiday tournament.

But only one of them can emerge victorious after the weekend, so here’s how we think the Final Four teams rank in terms of their chances of securing the title.

No. 1 Duke

Regular readers will undoubtedly recall that we had Florida in the top spot a week ago in our Sweet 16 reseed. But it’s become increasingly undeniable that the Blue Devils are the most complete team in the field. They have enough options on the offensive end to compensate when mainstay Cooper Flagg has a relative off day, as he did against Alabama. But it’s been their well-executed team defense with big men Khaman Maluach and Patrick Ngongba as rim protectors that has enabled them to win all their games in the tournament thus far with little to no drama. Jon Scheyer has put together the right blend of youth and veterans to create a team that will be difficult to beat.

No. 2 Florida

With that said, however, the Gators are still the best team from the deepest conference, and their knack for finding ways to win tight contests can’t be overlooked. Walter Clayton Jr. has demonstrated takeover ability against both Connecticut and Texas Tech when the Gators seemed to be wobbling. But he’ll almost certainly need help as the level of competition amps up even more. A performance like Thomas Haugh’s 20 points off the bench against Texas Tech was encouraging. There are several others capable of shouldering the load, and a deep frontcourt should be capable of slowing Auburn in the semifinal.

METRIC MADNESS: Four teams in Final Four rank with greatest teams

UP AND DOWN: Winners, losers from men’s tournament regionals

No. 3 Houston

We might very well have the Cougars too low here. They have already had to overcome a pair of programs with recent national championship game appearances just to reach this point, and their defensive domination in the Elite Eight round against Tennessee was every bit as impressive as Duke’s against Alabama. Houston might not have the singular star like the other three semifinalists possess, but that could make the Cougars even more dangerous as the big shot could come from any of several candidates. Even so, Houston is still trying to get out of the dreaded ‘never won the title’ club, so from that standpoint there remains a ‘prove it’ factor for this team.

No. 4 Auburn

It might seem odd to have the team that spent so much of the season ranked first in the coaches poll at the bottom of this list. But there are a couple of reasons. First, the Tigers, unlike the other three participants, did not win their league tournament. That is not always a good predictor of March success extending into April, of course, but Auburn was clearly playing its best basketball earlier in the campaign. Furthermore, Auburn has played all the other Final Four squads and only managed to beat one of them. Yes, star big man Johni Broome is fine after an injury scare in the Michigan State win, and the Tigers do know how to manage a quick turnaround situation as they did in Maui back in November. But they need to rediscover that cohesiveness to bring home the program’s first championship.

This post appeared first on USA TODAY

They’re saying this Final Four repeats the history of 2008, and, by seed, they’re right. In many other ways, this Final Four is so much different.
Blue bloods populated 2008 Final Four, won by Memphis. Duke is only blue blood in this Final Four.
The 2008 Final Four reflected teams’ blue-chip recruits flourishing. Now, transfers like Florida’s Walter Clayton Jr. and Auburn’s Johni Broome are big party of college basketball’s story.

They’re saying this Final Four repeats the history of 2008, and, by seed, they’re right.

Kansas, UCLA, North Carolina and Memphis populated the Final Four that season, marking the first time four No. 1 seeds seized all the semifinal spots. Never had that feat been repeated until now. Auburn, Florida, Duke and Houston rumble toward San Antonio, which also hosted the 2008 Final Four.

The similarities mostly end there. In so many ways, this Final Four differs from the 2008. Here’s why:

Only one blue blood this time. John Calipari joked in 2008 that if you combined the national championships won by UCLA and Memphis, they’d have 11. The punchline he left unsaid, of course, was that UCLA owns 11 titles and Memphis has none.

UNC and Kansas joined UCLA to supply three Final Four blue bloods. Back then, that trio owned a combined 17 national championships. Kansas and UNC won more titles since then.

Duke, winner of five national championships, supplies the only blue blood within this quartet.

Florida won back-to-back titles under Billy Donovan. Todd Golden joins Donovan and Lon Kruger as coaches to lift Florida to a Final Four.

Bruce Pearl is the only coach to take Auburn to a Final Four. He’s done it twice. Auburn pursues its first national championship.

Kelvin Sampson lifted Houston to heights unseen since coach Guy Lewis and his Phi Slama Jama crew of the 1980s. This marks Sampson’s second Final Four at Houston. Lewis supplied five. The Cougars have never won a national championship.

Polls predicted the 2008 Final Four. The 2008 Final Four reflected preseason projections. The first four teams in the preseason USA TODAY Coaches Poll went like this: North Carolina, UCLA, Memphis and Kansas. The media picked it the same way. None of the four ever slipped outside of the top 10.

The top four of the coaches’ poll this season started with Kansas, Alabama, UConn and Houston. Kansas fizzled and lost in the first round as a No. 7 seed. Eighth-seeded UConn lost a second-round battle with Florida, and No. 2 Alabama succumbed to Duke in the Elite Eight.

Duke ranked No. 5 in the preseason, Auburn checked in at No. 11 and Florida came in at No. 21. You can’t label this Final Four cast underdogs, but they weren’t runaway preseason favorites, either.

More upsets occurred before 2008 Final Four. The 2008 1-seed party came after upsets filled the tournament’s earlier rounds. In fact, that tournament supplied one of the greatest Cinderellas, Steph Curry and his 10th-seeded Davidson.

Curry, wearing a baggy uniform appropriate for the time, became almost an overnight sensation as Davidson charged into the Elite Eight against Kansas. The Jayhawks prevailed, 59-57, after throwing two defenders at Curry in the closing seconds, forcing him to a pass to teammate Jason Richards, whose 3-pointer missed. Kansas then stomped UNC in the Final Four and survived Memphis in overtime of the national championship.

Western Kentucky and Villanova, a pair of No. 12 seeds, joined Davidson as Sweet 16 Cinderellas. Even as the Final Four approached, some eyes lingered on Davidson in the rearview mirror.

As veteran sports columnist Mike Lopresti wrote before the Final Four, “If we can’t have Davidson, this field will have to do.”

In contrast, No. 10 Arkansas became this season’s only Sweet 16 team seeded higher than No. 6. Calipari coaching an Arkansas team bought from the transfer portal made for an unusual Cinderella.

Cinderella shined in 2008 before heading home before the clock struck midnight. This year, she left much earlier, just after cocktail hour.

High school recruiting ruled in 2008. Transfers didn’t factor into the equation nearly as much in 2008. Brandon Rush and Mario Chalmers, veterans whom Bill Self signed as touted recruits, powered Kansas to the title. Runner-up Memphis’ best players were Chris Douglas-Roberts and Derrick Rose, blue-chippers signed by Calipari.

Kevin Love and Russell Westbrook fueled UCLA. Tyler Hansbrough and Wayne Ellington powered North Carolina’s engine. More examples of ballyhooed recruits flourishing with the program that signed them.

This Duke squad offers 2008 vibes. Freshman studs Cooper Flagg and Kon Knueppel lead the charge, alongside Duke mainstay Tyrese Proctor. Houston, too, features impactful veterans who played their full careers with Sampson, but transfers L.J. Cryer and Milos Uzan also help form the Houston nucleus.

In a transfer’s world, a Duke title would mark a throwback.

No Division I champions coaching in this Final Four. Golden, 39, had never won an NCAA Tournament game before Florida’s Final Four run. This also marks the first Final Four for Jon Scheyer, 37, Duke’s third-year coach.

Pearl, 65, and Sampson, 69, chase their white whale, an elusive Division I national championship, to highlight winning careers. They have five Final Four appearances between them. Neither has reached a national championship game. Pearl is the only member of this coaching quartet to win a national championship. His title came at Division II Southern Indiana in 1995.

In that 2008 Final Four, Roy Williams already had won his first national championship at North Carolina, in 2005. Self won the first of his two national championships in 2008. Calipari’s national title came in 2012 at Kentucky. From that 2008 group, only UCLA’s Ben Howland never won a national championship.

Epic finish? Kansas-Memphis thrilled in the 2008 national championship game. Chalmers etched his name into Kansas lore with his 3-pointer to force overtime. That championship followed decisive semifinal results, though, despite projections that four No. 1 seeds would result in epic clashes.

Seventeen years later, they’re saying this Final Four will be epic. Based on the talent level in San Antonio, it should be.

Three good games would be another way in which this Final Four differs from 2008.

Blake Toppmeyer is a columnist for the USA TODAY Network. Email him at BToppmeyer@gannett.com and follow him on X @btoppmeyer. Subscribe to read all of his columns.

This post appeared first on USA TODAY

Lt. Gen. Daniel ‘Razin’ Caine, President Donald Trump’s nominee to be the U.S. top military officer, side-stepped questions from Senate Democrats about his view on the recent Signal leak controversy roiling the Trump administration, but he did say the ‘element of surprise was likely lost’ as a result of the incident. 

Democrats, including Sens. Richard Blumenthal, D-Conn., Jack Reed, D-R.I., and Mazie Hirono, D-Hawaii, repeatedly asked Caine about how he would respond to hypothetical scenarios regarding the leak, during a Thursday confirmation hearing in front of the Senate Armed Services Committee. Caine, careful with his responses, repeatedly stressed the importance of ‘preserv[ing] the element of surprise,’ adding that he has ‘always’ communicated sensitive information using the proper channels. 

While the Trump administration and its supporters have denied that anything discussed in the Signal chat amounted to war plans, critics have disagreed, citing the fact the chats included a detailed timeline about a U.S. attack on Houthi rebels in Yemen.

‘Because of your extraordinary service, general, I can’t imagine anyone better qualified to answer this question,’ Blumenthal said to Caine. ‘Knowing what you do, about the substance of that conversation, how would you feel?’

‘I think we all can agree that we need to always protect the element of surprise, and that element of surprise was very likely lost,’ Caine responded. 

Hirono questioned Caine with a similar hypothetical but went a step further and asked if he would ‘just let this matter drop,’ as she claimed the Trump administration is doing.

‘It’s really not a hypothetical. It is what is confronting this administration,’ Hirono said.

‘Given the fact that the chairman and ranking member have asked for an investigation, I don’t want to comment on the particulars,’ Caine relented as Hirono hounded for an answer. ‘I do want to stay at the strategic altitude and say that we should always preserve the element of surprise.’

Reed proceeded to ask Ciane if he ‘were on that conversation’ would he have ‘objected to the fact that it was being conducted on Signal?’

‘Well, Senator, you know, I was not in that chat,’ Caine responded.

‘I know that that’s why I asked if you were,’ Reed said.

Caine asserted that he has ‘always communicated proper information in the proper channels.’

Caine was tapped by Trump to replace Biden-appointed Gen. Charles Q. ‘C.Q.’ Brown Jr. after he was fired in February.

The Joint Chiefs of Staff (JCS) is a group of senior military officials who advise the president, the Secretary of Defense and the National Security Council on military matters. The JCS consists of the highest-ranking officers from the U.S. Army, Navy, Air Force, Marine Corps and National Guard, with the chairman serving as the highest principal military advisor.

The chairman is typically required to have served as a four-star general in charge of a military service branch or as a combatant commander, qualifications Caine does not possess. However, the president has the authority to waive these requirements if deemed necessary for national interests. 

Caine’s extensive Air Force military background includes serving as a decorated F-16 combat pilot and playing critical roles in special intelligence operations. Given the slim Republican majority, his full Senate confirmation would require near-unanimous support from Republican senators.

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A resolution to impeach U.S. District Court Judge James Boasberg is still gaining support despite House GOP leaders’ hesitation to move on such a measure.

Rep. Brandon Gill, R-Texas, introduced an article of impeachment against Boasberg last month after he issued an emergency order temporarily halting the Trump administration’s deportation flights under the Alien Enemies Act.

Reps. Josh Brecheen, R-Okla., Andy Ogles, R-Tenn., and Paul Gosar, R-Ariz., signed onto the bill as co-sponsors last week, Fox News Digital was told, despite House GOP leaders signaling around the same time that they have little appetite to pursue that route.

The resolution now has 22 total co-sponsors – suggesting the effort is still alive and well among conservatives in the House Republican conference.

President Donald Trump is using the Alien Enemies Act to deport suspected Tren De Aragua gang members to a detention facility in El Salvador. 

Boasberg’s standoff with the Trump administration, which includes accusations the White House ignored his initial order that the administration has denied, has sent shock waves through Capitol Hill. 

Republicans see it as one of the most egregious examples of ‘rogue judges’ blocking Trump’s agenda. 

Trump himself singled out Boasberg and called for his impeachment over the legal showdown.

More than a dozen injunctions have been levied against various Trump policies, with targets ranging from birthright citizenship reform to the Department of Government Efficiency.

However, House GOP leaders are hesitant to support impeachment as a method to target Boasberg and other judges – believing it to be a less effective route to accountability.

Several rank-and-file Republican lawmakers suggested to Fox News Digital last month that they would not support such a move, giving it long odds of success in the House.

Gill’s resolution accused Boasberg of abusing his power.

He could still force a House-wide vote on the measure by reintroducing it as a ‘privileged resolution,’ giving leaders two legislative days to hold at least one procedural vote.

As of last week, however, Gill told Fox News Digital he had no plans to do so.

It comes as House Republicans coalesce around legislation by Rep. Darrell Issa, R-Calif., to limit district judges’ ability to issue nationwide injunctions. That bill is expected to get a vote on Wednesday afternoon.

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