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The 2025 NFL trade deadline hasn’t built much of a buzz, but there are still several notable players who could be dealt.
The New Orleans Saints are a potential seller to watch thanks to receivers Chris Olave and Rashid Shaheed, as well as cornerback Alontae Taylor.
The New York Jets also have to decide whether they’re prepared to part with key contributors, such as running back Breece Hall and linebacker Quincy Williams.

The recent action around the NFL trade deadline has made it clear that most deals made ahead of next Tuesday’s cutoff will begin in the bargain bin.

After two weeks of no movement, things finally picked back up early this week with a handful of low-stakes swaps. The Los Angeles Rams and Philadelphia Eagles added cornerbacks in Roger McCreary and Michael Carter II, respectively, while the New England Patriots shipped off spare parts in edge rusher Keion White (San Francisco 49ers) and Kyle Dugger (Pittsburgh Steelers). Of course, those exchanges are a far cry from the frenzy set off just last year with the likes of Davante Adams, Amari Cooper and Marshon Lattimore changing places.

And with just one more round of games before teams need to buckle down and decide whether to change course, it doesn’t seem like many of the biggest names that have been floated in rumors – including the Las Vegas Raiders’ Maxx Crosby, Cincinnati Bengals’ Trey Hendrickson and New York Jets’ Quinnen Williams, among others – look particularly likely to be sent packing. Yet any opening for teams to reshape their fortunes is bound to drive intrigue, and there are several notable figures who could be realistic trade considerations.

With that in mind, here is our ranking of the top realistic trade candidates ahead of next Tuesday’s deadline:

2025 NFL trade candidates

1. Chris Olave, WR, New Orleans Saints

Installing second-round pick Tyler Shough as the starting quarterback only to deprive him of his top target might amount to rebuild malpractice. Olave acknowledged that he’s been in discussions with the Saints regarding an extension, and the most reasonable outcome here is for the two sides to stick together given how few true assets New Orleans has at its disposal. But that same problem could entice the Saints to consider flipping the speedy receiver for the right price if the organization doesn’t envision him as a staple for the foreseeable future. With his fifth-year option locked down, Olave would be an enticing target for any passing attack seeking a little midseason juice.

2. Jaelan Phillips, DE/OLB, Miami Dolphins

If the true Pro Bowl-caliber tier of edge rushers is off limits, Phillips might be the best acquirable option. It remains to be seen whether the Dolphins would truly split ways with the former first-rounder, however, given how intent the team’s embattled leadership appears to be in trying to catch up in the playoff race. But creating a bidding war for a pass rusher would be the easiest way to look to the future, and Phillips – even as a potential half-year rental – could be dealt more cleanly than teammate Bradley Chubb. He’s found his stride with 18 pressures in his last four games, according to Next Gen Stats, and he can hold his own against the run as well.

3. Breece Hall, RB, New York Jets

Dealing their lead back was already shaping up to be a difficult proposal for the Jets after No. 2 option Braelon Allen went down with a knee injury that will sideline him until late in the season. Parting with Hall looks like an even more difficult proposition after the fourth-year back ran for a season-high 133 yards and two touchdowns while also throwing the clinching score in a breakthrough first win over the Bengals. Still, even though first-year coach Aaron Glenn has shunted rumors aside, the new regime has to take the long view, and there’s a window to sell high here. If made available, Hall would stand alone as the most appealing ball carrier available thanks to his ability to shoulder the load – he ranks sixth in rushing yards – while also serving as an every-down contributor. And regardless of whether he moves, the running back demonstrated he knows how to stir up intrigue with his tweeting of a cryptic GIF on Wednesday.

4. Alontae Taylor, CB, New Orleans Saints

Competent starting cornerbacks are difficult to come by at the trade deadline, so an imbalance between supply and demand pushes Taylor up the board a bit here. Losing the talented cover man would further dent a ramshackle Saints secondary, but he’s one of the more valuable chips that the organization has at its disposal. Taylor’s versatility, aggressiveness and playmaking streak could make him a coveted piece for any defense due for a little something extra on the back end.

5. Quincy Williams, LB, New York Jets

Younger brother Quinnen seems likely to stay put, but might Gang Green part with Quincy? The front office has already made a substantial investment at linebacker with Jamien Sherwood’s three-year, $45 million deal in March, and a rebuilding team probably doesn’t want to approach the top of the market twice at a non-premium position. A reunion with former Jets coach Robert Saleh, under whom Williams became a 2023 All-Pro selection, on the 49ers’ shorthanded defense would be fun, but there could be multiple suitors for a playmaker with good range.

6. Jakobi Meyers, WR, Las Vegas Raiders

The Silver and Black’s understandable refusal to oblige Meyers’ trade request before the season was based on the presumption that a return to relevance was imminent. Things change quickly, though. The Raiders are just 2-5 and look as far back as ever in the hypercompetitive AFC West. With Meyers poised for an exit this spring in free agency, there’s little reason for either side to see this arrangement out given that Las Vegas – flush with more than $100 million in projected cap space for 2026, according to Over The Cap – doesn’t seem likely to reap any compensation pick rewards for his departure. In a thinned-out receiver market, the seventh-year veteran holds distinct value as a complementary piece who could help stabilize an aerial attack.

7. Riq Woolen, CB, Seattle Seahawks

Doesn’t seem like there’s much of an impetus to take any parts away from a Seahawks defense that’s conceding the third-fewest yards per play (4.7) of any team. Still, it’s clear after a season-and-a-half that Woolen is an odd fit for Mike Macdonald’s defense and a long shot to hang around in 2026, when he’s set to hit the open market. Woolen is coming off an excellent outing against the Houston Texans in which he allowed just two catches for 13 yards on seven targets. Depth concerns may ultimately dissuade Seattle from shipping him off, but the 6-4, 210-pound cornerback should intrigue any teams that lean heavily on man coverage.

8. David Njoku, TE, Cleveland Browns

With less than $1.26 million in base salary, Njoku figures to be one of the cheaper options out there, as landing the former first-round tight end likely won’t necessitate forking over much draft capital. He’s been hobbled by a knee injury, but he still produces as a receiver. The Browns already have seen rookie Harold Fannin Jr. position himself as the long-term answer at tight end, so it’s time for Cleveland to scrounge up whatever it can for Njoku.

9. Rashid Shaheed, WR, New Orleans Saints

If dealing Olave is a non-starter for a New Orleans team that seemingly resists a full rebuild at every turn, maybe a more reasonable outcome would be sending off Shaheed. The dynamic downfield target could jolt any offense with his deep speed, which hasn’t been put to optimal use in a season in which his average yards per catch has plummeted from 17.5 to 11.1. It’s worth noting, though, that Shough took an early shine to him, with Shaheed getting eight of his season-high 12 targets last week after the rookie signal-caller was subbed in for Spencer Rattler.

10. Kevin Zeitler, G, Tennessee Titans

At 35, he’s spending the twilight of his career with a franchise that has already fired its coach. Beyond providing Cam Ward a tiny bit more comfort in an already trying year for the rookie, there’s little point in keeping Zeitler, who, like the recently traded Roger McCreary, might not be a priority for Tennessee to re-sign. Plenty of contenders could use some fortifying on the interior, and the 2023 Pro Bowl selection could get back to doing his best work for a legitimate playoff threat after doing superlative work with the Baltimore Ravens and Detroit Lions in recent years.

11. Chig Okonkwo, TE, Tennessee Titans

Tennessee has tried to bring along its receiving corps for Cam Ward with fellow rookies Elic Ayomanor and Chimere Dike playing vital roles. It doesn’t seem as though Okonkwo factors into that future, especially with first-year tight end Gunnar Helm steadily progressing. A major run-after-catch threat, Okonkwo could find his talents better appreciated elsewhere.

12. Arden Key, DE/OLB, Tennessee Titans

The Titans are treading water for the rest of the season, and it’s difficult to say with any confidence that Key figures into the organization’s plans beyond that. The edge rusher’s production has never quite lined up with his physical tools, but Key has reached six sacks in three of his last four seasons. If a contender strikes out on its higher-priced options or just wants to look at a rotational piece on the edge rather than pursuing a full overhaul, he’d be a sensible settling point.

13. Arnold Ebiketie, OLB, Atlanta Falcons

After recording six sacks in each of the last two seasons, the former second-round pick has yet to bag a single one in 2025. Maybe it’s time for a change of scenery, especially with Atlanta having reconfigured its pass rush by equipping new defensive coordinator Jeff Ulbrich with Jalon Walker and James Pearce Jr., both of whom are first-round rookies. The Falcons might resist parting with him as they try to move past a clear letdown through the first two months of the season, but they have to be mindful about their draft assets, as they’re without both their first-rounder and fifth-rounder next spring.

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Lady Vols basketball legend Candace Parker was elected to the Women’s Basketball Hall of Fame in her first year of eligibility on Thursday, Oct. 30.

Former WNBA MVP Elena Delle Donne, Minnesota Lynx coach Cheryl Reeve, NBA analyst Doris Burke, international players Isabelle Fijalkowski and Amaya Valdemoro and Kirkwood Community College coach Kim Muhl also were elected. Barbara Kennedy-Dixon is being honored posthumously. The class will be inducted on June 27, 2026, at the Tennessee Theatre in Knoxville.

Parker, who retired in 2024, played 16 seasons in the WNBA. She was a two-time WNBA MVP, a three-time champion and a 10-time All-WNBA selection. Parker’s No. 3 jersey was retired by the Los Angeles Sparks and Chicago Sky during the summer.

Parker won WNBA Rookie of the Year and MVP in 2008, the only player to accomplish the feat. She’s also the only WNBA player to rank in the top 10 in career points, assists, rebounds and blocks.

Parker led Tennessee to back-to-back national championships in 2007 and 2008, winning Most Outstanding Player of the Final Four both years.

Delle Donne helped the Washington Mystics to their only title in 2019. The two-time MVP became the first player in WNBA history to finish a regular season with a 50% field goal percentage, 40% 3-point field goal percentage and 90% free throw percentage during the 2019 season.

Reeve, who has coached the Lynx for 16 seasons, has the most career wins (364) and playoff wins (52) in WNBA history. She coached the Lynx to four championships and the U.S. women’s national team to an eighth consecutive Olympic gold medal at the 2024 Paris Games.

ESPN analyst Burke, who’s in the Naismith Hall of Fame, made history when she called the 2024 NBA Finals. Burke started her career as an analyst for Big East games and as the radio and TV voice of the New York Liberty.

Valdemoro won three WNBA championships with the Houston Comets, played in two Olympic Games for Spain and won Spanish League titles eight times. Fijalkowski is a five-time French League champion and the all-time leading scorer in the league.

Muhl has coached for 36 seasons at Kirkwood Community College in Cedar Rapids, Iowa. He has won nine NJCAA Division II championships and has a career record of 1,045-171.

Kennedy-Dixon, who played at Clemson from 1978-82, scored 3,113 career points for seventh all-time in women’s college basketball history. A two-time All-American, she holds ACC career records for scoring, rebounds (1,252), field goals (1,349) and field goal attempts (2,688).

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House Republicans are in preliminary discussions on a healthcare package, as Obamacare continues to be the central sticking point in the ongoing government shutdown.

Speaker Mike Johnson, R-La., said on Thursday that lawmakers have begun discussions in ‘informal working groups’ on what healthcare reform, aimed at lowering ballooning medical costs, would look like.

But the fight over Obamacare, also known as the Affordable Care Act (ACA), continues to drive a wedge within the House GOP. At the heart of the issue are Obamacare subsidies enhanced significantly during the COVID-19 pandemic — enhancements that are set to expire at the end of this year without congressional action.

Democrats have been demanding that any deal to end the shutdown be paired with an extension of those credits. And Republicans, while united in wanting to keep the shutdown and Obamacare two separate issues, are divided over how to handle that issue once the shutdown ends.

On one side of the divide are members of the House Freedom Caucus, who have signaled vehement opposition to any straightforward extension of the Obamacare credits.

‘What we really need to do is stop talking about the COVID subsidies, because it’s not working, and the entire system that they’re based on is a complete and total Titanic that’s going down,’ said Rep. Eric Burlison, R-Mo., a member of the conservative group. ‘Why would we throw any more bad money after this sinking ship?’

But some Republican lawmakers are floating a one-year extension as a way to buy Congress more time to find an off-ramp to eventually ending the Obamacare subsidies — something all GOP lawmakers who spoke with Fox News Digital agreed on.

‘I am not at all in love with the ACA or Obamacare. I get the concern that many of the members have with it. But as I’ve said before, if you don’t have something good to replace it with, it is political insanity, and it’s just the wrong thing to do — to let it lapse, get rid of it and have nothing else because the rates are going to go up a lot,’ said Rep. Jeff Van Drew, R-N.J., who styled himself a ‘populist conservative.’

He called on Republicans to ‘hold our nose, have a one-year extension, make some minor to moderate modifications.’

‘And during that year, instead of waiting till the last week or the last few days during that year, to really hammer out something that’s real, that isn’t B.S., where we are offering people health care, where it’s relatively affordable, and then we can make the big change that people want to make,’ Van Drew said.

He’s one of 14 House Republicans backing a bipartisan bill, led by Rep. Jen Kiggans, R-Va., to extend the Obamacare subsidies for one year.

Rep. Carlos Gimenez, R-Fla., another backer, pointed out that Democrats created the enhancements and their 2025 expiry.

‘I think we need it, because there is a cliff that was created by the Democrats,’ he said of the extension. ‘A lot of American families are going to be hurt by it. So I am in favor of extending it for a year and then looking at ways that we can, number one, fix Obamacare, and two, a way to end the subsidies, but not in a cliff-like fashion.’

Burlison suggested heavy opposition from the House Freedom Caucus, however.

‘It’s not only a non-starter, but because of the conversations that we’ve had, we would consider it a betrayal,’ he said.

Freedom Caucus member Rep. Andy Ogles, R-Tenn., similarly anticipated the ‘vast majority of Republicans’ would be against the bipartisan bill. However, he left the door open to some extension, provided a plan was in place to end Obamacare already.

‘At the end of the day, the subsidies are going away. It’s just a matter of how quickly. They are going to be phased out. Now, do you want it to be a hard stop, or do you want to phase out? I think the hospitals and the healthcare infrastructure in Nashville would prefer a phase-out, and I totally understand that,’ Ogles said. ‘Quite frankly, fiscal conservatives are not going to stand for more subsidies that were designed for a period of time during COVID. COVID is over.’

Van Drew told Fox News Digital that Republicans’ chances of keeping the House majority in 2026 hinged on a healthcare deal.

‘If you lose the majority, you’ve got nothing. You’re a spectator in the sport. You’re not even involved. So to me, keeping the majority is extremely important, and we’ve got to work to compromise on that,’ he said.

He and Rep. Ryan Mackenzie, R-Pa., another sponsor of the one-year extension, both floated income caps and reforms to the pricing middlemen known as pharmacy benefit managers, or PBMs.

A House Republican familiar with leadership dynamics suggested that income caps for Obamacare are part of the discussion on a potential healthcare package.

That House Republican also suggested that tighter ‘guardrails’ like income verification standards for government healthcare could also be on the table.

‘If you have a right to a benefit, you have a responsibility to prove you are eligible for that benefit,’ they said. ‘That would save a ton of dollars.’

House Majority Leader Steve Scalise, R-La., floated several ideas up for discussion but signaled that any moves to extend Obamacare would require significant changes to the system first.

‘You’ve seen additional ideas on health savings accounts and pooling together amongst small businesses, other ideas like PBM reform,’ he told reporters earlier this week. ‘So all the things we’ve been working on are focused on lowering costs for families as opposed to just shoveling more money into a failed, broken system.’

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Some lawmakers are getting anxious to fund key programs and pay federal workers as the shutdown drags on, but even so, most Senate Republicans argue that the best way to ensure paydays and benefits is to reopen the government.

While Senate Republicans and Democrats are entrenched in a stalemate that has seen the shutdown drag into its 29th day, a handful of lawmakers has pushed bills that would pay the military, working federal workers and air traffic controllers, and fund federal food benefits.

One of those bills, from Sen. Ron Johnson, R-Wis., got a chance on the floor but was blocked by Senate Democrats last week.

Since then others, including Sens. Josh Hawley, R-Mo., and Ted Cruz, R-Texas, have pushed piecemeal funding bills, dubbed ‘rifle shots’ by Republicans, as a way to fund portions of the federal workforce.

Both Hawley and Cruz, whose bill would pay air traffic controllers, were hopeful that their legislation would get a shot on the floor.

‘Listen, my goal is just to make sure that 42 million Americans don’t go without food starting this weekend,’ Hawley told Fox News Digital. ‘So, the only way I can see to do that is to vote on the floor. It will get blocked any other way.’

But Senate Majority Leader John Thune, R-S.D., pumped the brakes on the likelihood of those bills seeing floor time, doubling down throughout the week against funding the government one chunk at a time.

‘You start going down that road with one-off bills or take care of this group or that group, and it’s just like, it begs the larger question, how long… is this going to drag on? I think that the quickest way to end it is to just open everything up and then everybody gets paid,’ Thune said.

While there is a demand among Republicans to see federal workers get paid and to ensure the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP), commonly known as food stamps, does not run out of funding on Saturday, most of the conference is unwilling to break ranks with Thune’s position.

‘I think we should close the door on it. Why are we picking winners and losers inside the government? The fact is, we’re shut down. We need to open it back up,’ Sen. Markwayne Mullin, R-Okla, told Fox News Digital. ‘Say you decided to fund the SNAP program. What about the employees that got to produce the paperwork and get it done? Are you not going to pay them?’

‘We had an opportunity to pay all essential employees. [Democrats] chose not to,’ he continued.

‘I mean, it’s ridiculous to think that we’re going to pick pieces of it when we should just open it all up. And there’s no reason why we shouldn’t.’

Senate Democrats, led by Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer, D-N.Y., have blocked the GOP’s plan to reopen the government 13 times since the shutdown began.

And they’ve shown little signs of cracking under pressure as pain points like food stamps funding and federal worker paydays mount.

But, Schumer and Senate Democrats are largely in favor of supporting a rifle-shot food stamps bill, even going so far as to draft their own — the top Senate Democrat said his caucus would support either their bill from Sen. Ben Ray Lujan, D-N.M., or Hawley’s measure.

‘If John Thune would put it on the floor, it would pass overwhelmingly,’ Schumer said. ‘But he’s afraid of Trump. He’s going along in this heartless, cruel thing.’

Sen. Amy Klobuchar, D-Minn., is also a co-sponsor of both bills, and said Thune ‘should call these bills up.’

‘He should call both of them up immediately, and as Sen. Schumer said, they would pass,’ she said. ‘So that’s why this is such a false crisis.’

As of Thursday, Hawley’s bill had 29 co-sponsors, including Schumer and 14 other Senate Democrats.

But given Democrats’ recent history of blocking bill after bill as the shutdown drags on, not every Republican trusted Schumer’s vow. Sen. John Kennedy, R-La., told Fox News Digital that ‘with all due respect to Chuck, I don’t believe him.’

‘They’re not going to get on the floor,’ he said. ‘They’re not going to get on the floor for two reasons. Number one, we’ve seen this vampire move. The Democrats get right up to it, and then they pull back. They’re not serious. And number two, we’re not going to — it’s not going to get on the floor because Thune says he’s tired of playing the games.’

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President Donald Trump’s tone on Ukraine has softened dramatically in recent weeks, from tough talk aimed to pressure Russian President Vladimir Putin last month to a more hands-off approach.

After signaling strong support for Ukraine and pledging to bring an end to Russia’s invasion, Trump now appears far less committed to aiding Kyiv or forcing a resolution to the war.

The reversal began quietly two weeks ago when Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy visited Washington. Many had expected Trump to approve Tomahawk long-range missiles for Ukraine — but he didn’t.

The president said it would take too long to train on the missile system and that the U.S. needed them for its own stockpile. He vociferously denied a Wall Street Journal report suggesting the U.S. had lifted restrictions on Ukraine’s use of long-range missiles to fire into Russia.

Then came Thursday’s announcement from the Department of War that a rotational U.S. Army brigade stationed in Romania, with forces also in Hungary and Bulgaria, would be coming home. Trump dismissed the pullback as ‘not very significant, not a big deal,’ though European allies saw it differently.

‘This will be an invitation for Russia to increase their attacks on Ukraine, increase its influence in the region,’ one European official told Fox News Digital.

The softer posture extended to Trump’s meeting with Chinese President Xi Jinping on Thursday. Despite previously pressing India to curb its purchases of Russian oil, Trump made no such demand of Xi.

‘We really didn’t discuss the oil,’ he told reporters afterward.

Ending the war did come up, but in a noticeably less urgent tone.

‘We’re both going to work together to see if we can get something done,’ Trump said. ‘We agree that the sides are locked in, fighting, and sometimes you have to let them fight, I guess. Crazy. But he’s going to help us and we’re going to work together on Ukraine.’

For a president who vowed to ‘end the war on Day One,’ those comments suggest a shift from urgency to resignation — and a foreign policy that appears increasingly reactive rather than strategic.

Not everyone is alarmed by the change. Last week, Trump sanctioned two major Russian oil companies — Lukoil and Rosneft — in what supporters of Ukraine hope will deal a significant blow to Moscow’s war coffers. Both companies have since announced plans to sell international assets in response.

‘The sanctions are a step of actual consequence. European troop withdrawals are expected, but the changes seem marginal,’ another European official said. ‘The rest is your typical Trump pendulum — swinging away, this way one day, that way the next.’

At the same time, Trump announced the U.S. would resume nuclear weapons testing for the first time since 1992, blaming ‘other countries’ testing programs.’

Russia claims it recently tested a nuclear-powered drone along with a nuclear-capable missile and submarine, but the tests did not involve a detonation. Russia has not confirmed a nuclear weapon test since 1990. 

Weeks ago, Trump suggested European nations dealing with Russian drone and jet incursions into their airspace should ‘shoot them down,’ and administration officials vowed to defend ‘every inch’ of NATO.

He’d planned to meet with Putin in Hungary this month, but canceled the meeting after deciding he didn’t want to ‘waste time.’

‘Every time I speak with Vladimir, I have good conversations, and then they don’t go anywhere,’ Trump complained last week. ‘They just don’t go anywhere.’

Meanwhile, Russia bombarded Ukrainian cities with 705 missiles and drones overnight on Thursday, according to the Ukrainian Air Force. Ukraine repelled many of the projectiles, but four people were killed.

Even as Trump insists his administration is pursuing peace ‘through strength,’ his latest actions and rhetoric paint a more complicated picture — one that has left allies guessing which version of Trump’s Ukraine policy will prevail next.

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A prominent Empire State Republican is backing former Democrat Gov. Andrew Cuomo in the New York City mayoral race next week in a bid to derail Democratic nominee Zohran Mamdani.

Rep. Nick Langworthy, R-N.Y., a House lawmaker who previously chaired the New York State Republican Party, told Fox News Digital it was a ‘no-brainer’ backing Cuomo, despite their disagreements, over Mamdani.

‘This is a simple choice. I mean, one candidate has a shot to win. I mean, there’s polling that has him 10 points down in a very fluid situation,’ Langworthy said.

‘This is about saving the city from communism. I’ve had plenty of disagreements — very publicly over the years — and fought tooth and nail with Gov. Cuomo. But there’s no doubt in my mind he would be a far superior mayor than a communist.’

He is one of several prominent Republicans in New York coming out to publicly back Cuomo in the waning days before the election.

Early voting began in the New York City mayor’s race last weekend. Mamdani is the presumptive frontrunner in the deep blue Democrat stronghold, with Cuomo running as an independent candidate and Guardian Angels founder Curtis Sliwa running as the Republican.

Cuomo and Sliwa have both made overt movements to court independent and Republican voters, however, with concerns from Mamdani’s critics that the two could cancel each other out.

Langworthy would not say whether it was a mistake for Sliwa not to drop out of the race earlier but said, ‘Everyone’s really got to check, is this a vanity project? Or is this something you’re trying to do to seriously be the mayor?

‘There’s only one candidate running against Mamdani that has a credible path to win. And there’s Andrew Cuomo. And, you know, he knows how to run a government,’ he said. ‘I may have policy disagreements with him, but he’s certainly a better option than the alternative of Mamdani and the Democratic Socialists of America running the city with no checks and balances.’

It comes as other New York Republicans are making last-ditch overtures to Big Apple voters as well.

Rep. Nicole Malliotakis, R-N.Y., the only House Republican representing part of New York City and who ran for mayor in 2017, said she believed Sliwa was ‘the best choice’ but said polling showed ‘Cuomo’s got the best chance of beating Mamdani.’

‘I’ll take either of the two, quite frankly. I’ll take anybody but the communist,’ she said. 

‘He lacks the experience. You know, 34 years old. His only job was a hip-hop artist — a bad one, to boot. And if we have another hurricane, another pandemic, another terrorist attack, this guy is not capable of managing this city through it.’

But House Homeland Security Committee Chairman Andrew Garbarino, R-N.Y., who represents part of the New York City suburbs on Long Island, said he believed a Mamdani victory was likely a ‘forgone conclusion.’

‘The Democrats, the way they just set the system for themselves — somehow the primary is ranked choice, but the general is not. I mean, it’s ridiculous,’ Garbarino said. ‘We’ll see, though. I mean, the polls have been wrong before.’

Election Day in New York City is Tuesday, Nov. 4.

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The NFL season reaches its halfway point with Week 9 action.
The Kansas City Chiefs and Buffalo Bills will face off in a highly anticipated rivalry game.
Week 9 concludes with the Cardinals and Cowboys playing on Monday night.

The 2025 NFL season reaches its halfway point this weekend, which will feature one of the league’s preeminent rivalries.

Before we get there, the Baltimore Ravens and Miami Dolphins will kick off Week 9 on Thursday night − two-time league MVP and South Florida native Lamar Jackson set to make his return to action after missing a month with a hamstring injury.

Sunday’s best game on paper appears to be the Indianapolis Colts’ visit to the Pittsburgh Steelers, the weekend’s lone matchup of division leaders.

However it’s a meeting of second-place squads that will garner the most attention, when the Kansas City Chiefs and Buffalo Bills engage in what should be another spirited battle in Western New York on Sunday afternoon. The Bills have won four straight over K.C. in the regular season.

The action wraps in prime time, the Seattle Seahawks and Washington Commanders meeting outside the nation’s capital on ‘Sunday Night Football’ before the Arizona Cardinals and Dallas Cowboys face off on Monday night.

How will it all unfold? USA TODAY Sports’ panel of NFL experts reveal their weekly picks:

(Odds provided by BetMGM)

NFL Week 9 picks, predictions odds

Ravens at Dolphins
Bears at Bengals
Vikings at Lions
Panthers at Packers
Chargers at Titans
Falcons at Patriots
49ers at Giants
Colts at Steelers
Broncos at Texans
Jaguars at Raiders
Saints at Rams
Chiefs at Bills
Seahawks at Commanders
Cardinals at Cowboys

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A cursory glance at the college football schedule and the preseason US LBM Coaches Poll before the actual start of the season might have led one to circle Nov. 1 on the calendar. There were seven games matching teams in the preseason rankings in Week 10. As matters unfolded, however, a couple of the anticipated marquee contests aren’t exactly looking like game-of-the-century candidates or even games that will impact the College Football Playoff.

Our panel of predictors does have a few ranked matchups to consider, though No. 1 Ohio State’s ‘Big Noon’ tilt with Penn State and No. 5 Georgia’s annual date with Florida aren’t among them. There are a couple other SEC contests that do match Top 25 teams, as No. 11 Vanderbilt visits No. 19 Texas and No. 14 Tennessee hosts No. 18 Oklahoma. There’s another ranked pairing in the Big 12 as No. 16 Cincinnati heads west for a late-night clash with No. 24 Utah.

Of course, there is always the potential for upsets. All four of the ACC’s ranked squads will be hitting the road, with No. 15 Virginia making the longest trip to California. Will those games or any others produce unexpected results?

Here’s what our staff experts think:

College football Week 10 picks

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The Golden Flashes have already tripled that number in 2025 under interim coach Mark Carney.

Carney doesn’t appear to be going anywhere anytime soon, though.

‘I told you all at that time that we had the best damn one,’ athletics director Randale Richmond said Oct. 30 in a video posted to social media. ‘We agreed, and we’re going to remove the interim tag. Welcome your new head coach for Kent State football.’

Carney has clearly won over the locker room, as Kent State’s meeting room erupted in excitement at the announcement. He was met with hugs from players and chants of ‘Carney’ after Richmond broke the news.

‘I am unbelievably humbled, honored, pick something, man,’ Carney said in the video. ‘I haven’t slept in about 48 hours. This is a credit to you guys and what you all have done for this football program. This is not the mission. … This is not what we set out to accomplish. So let’s keep what we set out to accomplish in the front of our minds as we keep progressing.’

Carney took over for Kenni Burns, who went 1-23 as Kent State’s head coach. Burns was fired in April after a school investigation found violations of school conduct.

Carney was the tight ends coach at Kent State in 2023 before he was elevated to offensive coordinator in 2024. He was named interim head coach after Burns was fired.

The former Fordham quarterback has also coached at Fordham, Richmond, Bowling Green and Charlotte, with stints at Division II Virginia State and Division III Baldwin Wallace in between.

Kent State has won two of its last three games, including a 42-6 romp over UMass. The Golden Flashes are coming off a 24-21 win over Bowling Green to move to 2-2 in MAC play.

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The Washington Nationals hired the youngest general manager in Major League Baseball to start off an important offseason, and he is on the verge of going even younger with a big hire for the franchise.

Butera previously spent four seasons as manager for the Rays’ Low-A affiliate in Charleston, South Carolina, beginning as a 25-year-old and eventually winning league championships in his final two seasons.

The Nationals fired then-general manager Mike Rizzo and manager Dave Martinez in July, and named 35-year-old Boston Red Sox assistant GM Paul Toboni as their new president of baseball operations.

The youth movement follows a run of underwhelming seasons since Washington dismantled its 2019 World Series champion team. Toboni has tabbed Butera to help steer the team back into contention after finishing last in the NL East with a 66-96 record. But Butera is not the youngest manager in MLB history. There’s a front office legend with Hall of Fame credentials and a World Series championship among the youngest to ever manage an MLB game.

Here’s a breakdown of the youngest managers in MLB history, according to Fangraphs and Baseball Reference (player-managers are not included):

Youngest managers in MLB history

Harvey Watkins, New York Giants (1895): The youngest recorded manager in MLB history was 26 years, 72 days when he began a 35-game run as manager. He finished with an 18-17 record and didn’t manage in the big leagues again.
Horace Fogel, Indianapolis Hoosiers (1887): The former sportswriter was 26 years, 132 days when hired and had a 20-49 record during a rocky tenure in Indianapolis. Fogel stripped Jack Glasscock of his captaincy, fined and suspended other players, accused umpires of “barefaced robbery’ and drank heavily, according to the Society for American Baseball Research. He later spent the beginning of one season as the New York Giants manager in 1902.
Horace Phillips, Troy Trojans (1879): He went 12-34 after being hired at 26 years, 353 days and later managed the Columbus Buckeyes and Pittsburgh Pirates.
Branch Rickey, St. Louis Browns (1913-15): Before he was known as a Hall of Fame executive for the Brooklyn Dodgers credited with signing Jackie Robinson, Rickey became one of the youngest managers in baseball history at 31 years, 272 days at the end of the 1913 season. He managed two more years for the Browns before a successful seven-year stint managing the St. Louis Cardinals preceded his eventual move to the front office.
Dave Bristol, Cincinnati Reds (1966-69): He took over near the end of the 1966 season at 33 years, 22 days and served as the precursor to the Big Red Machine of the 1970s, finishing with records above .500 in each of his three full seasons as Reds manager. Bristol later had stints as a manager with the Milwaukee Brewers (1970-72), Atlanta Braves (1976-77) and San Francisco Giants (1979-80).
Frank Quilici, Minnesota Twins (1972-75): Soon after the end of his playing career, Quilici was named Twins manager halfway through the 1972 season at 33 years, 27 days. He then managed three full seasons in Minnesota, finishing with a 280-287 career record.
Blake Butera, Washington Nationals (2025): He would become the youngest MLB manager since Quilici more than 50 years earlier. Butera turned 33 years old in August 2025.

Eric Wedge, Cleveland (2003-09): He was six years younger than any other MLB manager when hired by Cleveland at 35 years, 65 days. Wedge managed in Cleveland for seven years, including a run to the 2007 AL Championship Series. He also managed the Seattle Mariners for three seasons (2011-13).
A.J. Hinch, Arizona Diamondbacks (2009-10): Before he won a World Series with the Houston Astros, the current Detroit Tigers manager was one of the youngest managers in baseball. Hinch was 35 years, 359 days when he first was hired as a manager at the MLB level and had an 89-123 record in two seasons. It took Hinch five years to get his next shot as a manager in Houston in 2015.

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