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The Supreme Court on Thursday sided with a Wisconsin-based Catholic charity group in a case centered on unemployment tax credits for religious institutions – delivering a victory for faith-based institutions, who argued that the state’s decision had violated the religious clauses under the First Amendment. 

In a unanimous opinion, the justices agreed that the state had engaged in an ‘unnecessary entanglement’ in attempting to define whether religious groups should be entitled to an otherwise-available tax exemption based on the state’s criteria for religious behavior.

‘When the government distinguishes among religions based on theological differences in their provision of services, it imposes a denominational preference that must satisfy the highest level of judicial scrutiny,’ Justice Sonia Sotomayor said, writing for the majority.

‘Because Wisconsin has transgressed that principle without the tailoring necessary to survive such scrutiny, the judgment of the Wisconsin Supreme Court is reversed, and the case is remanded for further proceedings not inconsistent with this opinion.’

The decision could clear the way for more states to broaden their tax-exempt status for religious organizations, with ripple effects that could stretch far beyond Wisconsin. 

The Catholic Charities Bureau asked the Supreme Court to review a lower court ruling that had required them to pay Wisconsin’s unemployment tax, after the state determined the group’s activities were ‘primarily charitable and secular,’ and therefore not subject to the exemptions.

Lawyers for the Catholic Charities Bureau argued the ruling was an unconstitutional violation of religious freedoms and amounted to viewpoint-based discrimination, and argued that ‘gospel values and the moral teaching of the church.’

The Wisconsin Supreme Court ruled that the group must pay the tax since the nature of their work was primarily secular, since it was not ‘operated primarily for religious purposes,’ and serves and employs non-Catholics.

‘There may be hard calls to make in policing that rule, but this is not one,’ Sotomayor said on Thursday. ‘When the government distinguishes among religions based on theological differences in their provision of services, it imposes a denominational preference that must satisfy the highest level of judicial scrutiny.’

The decision comes as the Supreme Court’s conservative majority has, in recent years, ruled in favor of religious institutions, including in cases like this one, which center on allowing taxpayer funds to be allocated to some religious organizations to provide ‘non-sectarian services.’

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President Donald Trump spoke with Chinese President Xi Jinping on Thursday in a lengthy call amid economic and national security friction regarding trade between Washington and Beijing. 

‘I just concluded a very good phone call with President Xi, of China, discussing some of the intricacies of our recently made, and agreed to, Trade Deal,’ Trump said Thursday in a Truth Social post. ‘The call lasted approximately one and a half hours, and resulted in a very positive conclusion for both Countries.’

Trump said the conversation focused ‘almost entirely’ on trade, and that Xi invited the U.S. president and first lady Melania Trump to visit China. Trump also said he extended an invitation to Xi and his wife, Peng Liyuan. 

Chinese media first reported the call between the two leaders on Thursday, and claimed that the call occurred per Trump’s request. White House National Economic Council Director Kevin Hassett told ABC News on Sunday that Trump was expected to talk with the Chinese president this week. 

The call comes nearly a week after Trump condemned China for violating an initial trade agreement that the U.S. and China hashed out in May, and a day after Trump said Xi was ‘extremely hard to make a deal with’ in a Truth Social post. 

The negotiations led both countries to agree that the U.S. would ramp down its tariffs against Chinese imports from 145% to 30%, and China would cut its tariffs against U.S. imports from 125% to 10%.

But Trump accused China on Friday of not holding up its end of the bargain, although he refrained from disclosing specifics. 

‘The bad news is that China, perhaps not surprisingly to some, HAS TOTALLY VIOLATED ITS AGREEMENT WITH US,’ Trump said Friday in a social media post. ‘So much for being Mr. NICE GUY!’

U.S. Trade Representative Jamieson Greer said Friday in an interview with CNBC that China had failed to lift its non-tariff barriers, as outlined in the deal. 

‘The United States did exactly what it was supposed to do, and the Chinese are slow-rolling their compliance, which is completely unacceptable and has to be addressed,’ Greer said Friday. 

Meanwhile, China pressed the U.S. to reverse course and address its own mistakes. 

‘China once again urges the US to immediately correct its erroneous actions, cease discriminatory restrictions against China and jointly uphold the consensus reached at the high-level talks in Geneva,’ Chinese embassy spokesperson Liu Pengyu said in a Friday statement.

But Trump later indicated that the two leaders ironed out their differences. 

‘We had a very good talk, and we’ve straightened out any complexity, and it’s very complex stuff, and we straightened it out,’ Trump said Thursday during an Oval Office press briefing with German Chancellor Friedrich Merz. 

‘I think we’re in very good shape with China and the trade deal,’ Trump said. ‘We have a deal with China, as you know, but we were straightening out some of the points… I would say we have a deal, and we’re going to just make sure that everybody understands what the deal is.’

Meanwhile, Trump’s invitation to Xi and Peng to visit the U.S. comes as Trump’s administration cracks down on student visa holders in the U.S. and as Trump has threatened to ‘aggressively’ rescind visas of students from China. 

On Thursday, Trump appeared to take a softer approach though and said that he did want foreign students to come to the U.S. — he just wants them to undergo proper vetting.

‘We want to have foreign students, but we want them to be checked,’ Trump said from the White House. 

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There is mounting evidence that Joe Biden was president in name only during much of his time in office. In his stead, a cabal of top White House staffers appears to have secretly operated a de facto presidency, making crucial decisions without a shred of constitutional authority.  

If proven true, it would call into question the validity of pardons and executive orders issued under his name but without his knowledge or consent. For this reason, it is imperative that Biden’s closest advisers answer questions under oath and others in his orbit be forced to disclose what they knew or observed.

The Department of Justice (DOJ) has launched an investigation into the pardons, commutations and clemencies granted in the waning days of Biden’s presidency, including preemptive pardons gifted to a half dozen members of his own family along with his shifty son, Hunter Biden. The probe focuses on whether the elder Biden was competent and whether others were taking advantage of his seemingly diminished mental state.  

At the same time, the House Oversight Committee is intensifying its own inquiry into the alleged ‘cover-up’ of Biden’s cognitive decline. Of particular interest in both investigations is ‘the potential unauthorized use of autopen’ for many executive actions, said Oversight Chairman James Comer.

Did rogue actors commandeer the device from a clueless Biden to advance their own political and personal agendas? Was national security jeopardized in the process? Let’s call it, ‘The Case of the Runaway Autopen.’ Solving it won’t be easy, given Washington’s proclivity for concealment, deception, obstruction and lies.       

Comer has requested that five former Biden aides, including his physician Kevin O’Connor, sit down for transcribed interviews.  If they resist, subpoenas will be issued. While Biden might assert Executive Privilege to keep them mum, President Trump could override the privilege just as Biden did to Trump after his first term. Assuming he is sentient, Joe might now wish he had not done so.  

The issue of whether pardons and executive orders could be invalidated is not as simple as some legal experts have opined. They assert, for example, that nothing can be done because there is no constitutional mechanism to revoke or overturn pardons once granted. That is only half true.

There is a well-established legal basis for annulling documents. It is founded in common law.  It is called fraud. Under statutory law, it is known as forgery. (See 18 USC 471 and 495). Each are crimes that would render the signed instruments inoperative and unenforceable.    

Just ask the U.S. Supreme Court, which long ago declared unanimously, ‘There is no question of the general doctrine that fraud vitiates the most solemn contracts, documents, and even judgments.’ (United States v. Throckmorton, 98 US 61, (1878))  There exists no exception for presidential documents.  

But let’s back up.

An autopen is a mechanical device that activates a robotic arm with a pen attached. It imitates a person’s signature, although it is identifiable by a consistent impression on the paper. Past presidents have utilized the autopen for a variety of documents. It is perfectly legal but with an important caveat —there must be consent by the purported ‘signator.’ In this case, that’s Biden.     

If the 46th president never consented or, worse, had no knowledge of the autopen’s use for any given document bearing his signature, it could be deemed null and void under law. If Biden was not even competent or mentally fit to provide knowing consent, the result is the same. 

Two decades ago, the Justice Department formally approved presidential deployment of the autopen, but only if a President personally ‘directs’ a subordinate to affix his signature to a specified document. However, the DOJ cautioned that the chief executive may never ‘delegate’ the actual decision to approve and sign any document with the device. That right rests exclusively with a president.   

The sheer volume of suspected Biden autopen usage merits closer scrutiny. The growing number of descriptive accounts of his worsening mental infirmities and incoherence magnifies the need for an intensive investigation. 

If his aides deliberately obscured their boss’s health problems, did they also circumvent his permission for orders issued under his name? Did they act on their own because they knew Biden was not cognizant or otherwise feared his confused response? Americans deserve honest answers. But expecting to get them from highly secretive political operatives is fanciful at best.

House Speaker Mike Johnson recently recounted his first private meeting with Biden last year during which the President had no idea that he signed an executive order weeks earlier pausing the exports of liquified natural gas. When Johnson pressed him, a stunned Biden insisted, ‘I didn’t do that!’ The speaker patiently explained that he did and a copy could be retrieved, yet the President insisted, ‘No, I didn’t do that.’  

‘He genuinely did not know what he had signed,’ said Johnson later. ‘And I walked out of that meeting with fear and loathing because I thought, ‘We are in serious trouble —who is running the country?’ Like, I don’t know who put the paper in front of him, but he didn’t know.’  

It is possible that the executive order was signed by autopen without the consent or knowledge of the president. In the alternative, did Biden sign something that he was incapable of understanding? Perhaps his aides willfully misrepresented its contents. Or maybe Biden was so mentally impaired that he couldn’t remember what he had for breakfast, much less having signed an export ban that cratered American GDP by upwards of $200 billion.

It is beyond curious that the preemptive pardons handed out like Halloween candy to Dr. Anthony Fauci, members of the J-6 committee and six of Biden’s immediate relatives all bear the unique marks of an autopen. By contrast, Hunter Biden’s pardon almost certainly resembles his father’s genuine and shaky signature. Why the difference? Did Biden verily approve or direct the group pardons? Or did someone command the autopen without assent?

There is substantial and compelling evidence that Biden was sliding further and further into mental decay as his presidency progressed. Americans are right to wonder just who was running the country. Biden himself seemed to answer the question during several of his rare public outings.  

In one memorable appearance he said, ‘Sorry, but I’ll get in trouble with my staff if I don’t do this the right way.’  In another, a confused Biden turned to staffers and asked, ‘Am I allowed to take questions? Where’s my staff?’ On a still another occasion he mumbled with regret, ‘I thought when I got to be President, I’d get to do things I wanted to do, but my staff tells me what I can’t do.’ These are stunning confessionals.   

There is no need to recite the myriad of instances where Americans witnessed a faltering and enfeebled Biden wandering around a stage lost and bewildered. He was not ‘compos mentis.’ His mental faculties dwindled. His ability to think and communicate vanished. It all came crashing down on the night of June 27, 2024. The disastrous presidential debate reinforced the truth of his withering condition.     

It is increasingly apparent that a coterie of unelected White House aides who connived to hide Biden’s declining state were the ones making vital decisions behind the scenes. They reportedly called themselves the ‘Politburo,’ a nod to the ruling committee of the communist party in the former Soviet Union. The symmetry is not coincidental; it is revealing. They maneuvered and manipulated in a culture of dishonesty.

With Biden mentally incapable of fully performing the demanding duties of his high office, it seems that others took it upon themselves to arrogate his authority. This would constitute a shameful abuse of power that contravenes our constitutional framework. It merits comprehensive investigations by both Congress and the Department of Justice.

In responding to the probes, Biden issued a statement on Wednesday insisting, ‘I made the decisions about pardons, executive orders, legislation, and proclamations,’ adding that ‘any suggestion that I didn’t is ridiculous and false.’ The denial is no surprise. But is it more of the same pretense and cover-up that came to define his presidency? Did Joe even write that statement?

Almost five years ago in my August 2020 podcast, I warned that if Joe Biden was elected, he would become a ‘Marionette President’ controlled by unscrupulous White House puppeteers making critical decisions for the nation. I wasn’t prescient, only paying attention to what was plainly visible.

What is so confounding —and equally alarming— is how long the deceitful charade lasted. As it slowly unravels, we are reminded that calculating lies rarely endure the engine of truth.

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As more parts of the world face intense drought, new technologies are emerging to clean and reuse existing water. Investors are seeing potential for big profits.

Water treatment is expensive. It uses a lot of energy and produces its own waste that gets disposed of at a hefty price. Capture6, a startup in Berkeley, California, says it’s developing a solution, and one with an added benefit to the environment.

Capture6′s technology repurposes industrial and water treatment waste, generating clean water and capturing carbon dioxide from the atmosphere.

“That combination of water treatment, brine management, and carbon capture all at once is part of what makes us unique, what makes our process innovative,” said Capture6 CEO Ethan Cohen-Cole, who co-founded the company in 2021. “We are able to do so at reduced energy costs.”

The process is complex. It starts with the waste from any sort of water treatment process. Once the solids are removed, that waste is called brine, which is leftover water plus concentrated salt — sodium chloride. Treatment facilities usually have to pay to get rid of it.

But Capture6 takes that brine, strips out the fresh water and separates the salt into sodium and chlorine. It then turns the sodium into lye.

“That lye has the really neat property that if you expose it to the air, it will bond with CO2 and strip it from the air, and that’s the punch line to the process,” said Cohen-Cole. “We have processed the waste salt, we’ve returned fresh water to our partner, and we’ve captured CO2 from the air.”

It’s a particularly attractive proposition in areas most in need of clean water. Capture6 is working in Western Australia, South Korea, and in drought-stricken California, at the Palmdale Water District north of Los Angeles. The district is still testing the technology, but is already projecting huge cost savings in its brine management.

“It will save us 10% on that capital cost, as well as saving us 20 to 40% in operational costs,” said Scott Rogers, assistant general manager at Palmdale Water District. “We’re recovering anywhere from 94% to 98% water out of water that would just normally be wasted.”

Rogers says it’s early but when more facilities start using the technology, it will create a circular economy that can benefit the environment.

Capture6 has raised $27.5 million from Tetrad Corporation, Hyundai Motors, Energy Capital Ventures, Elemental Impact and Triple Impact Capital.

Cohen-Cole says the company’s entire process could run on renewable energy, so all of the CO2 that it captures will be net negative, improving the environment. That allows the company to generate added revenue by selling carbon credits.

It’s just one technology in a growing field of carbon capture, removal and sequestration. Others include direct air capture, burying carbon underground or injecting it into the ocean.

The Trump Administration recently canceled $3.7 billion worth of awards for new technology, including carbon capture, to fight climate change. Capture6 has received funding from the U.S. Department of Energy and from state-level sources including California, according to the company. So far, none of that has been canceled.

— CNBC producer Lisa Rizzolo contributed to this piece.

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OKLAHOMA CITY — The 2025 NBA Finals is, in many ways, a celebration of the point guard.

Shai Gilgeous-Alexander, the NBA’s Most Valuable Player and the Oklahoma City Thunder superstar, and Tyrese Haliburton, the pass-first point guard with a penchant in the clutch, are each franchise’s hope to win the Larry O’Brien Trophy.

Though they likely won’t match up directly all the time, the responsibility of guarding the other likely falling to more specialized defenders, Gilgeous-Alexander and Haliburton are reshaping the image of the point guard in the modern NBA.

Here’s a close look at each player and the matchup that will define the 2025 NBA Finals:

Shai Gilgeous-Alexander

Gilgeous-Alexander, 26, is a refreshing throwback.

He dominates without taking a lot of 3-pointers and is not constantly complaining to the referees.

“He just has an ‘I’m going to get it done’ mentality,” Thunder All-Star Jalen Williams said. “That’s kind of rubbed off on the rest of the team. You can always see, he doesn’t make excuses. That bleeds over into the team.”

That mentality has put the Thunder in great position to win their first title since relocating from Seattle in 2008. The SuperSonics won the NBA championship in 1979.

Gilgeous-Alexander’s rise from All-Star to MVP has been one of the league’s best stories. Thunder executive vice president and general manager Sam Presti saw Gilgeous-Alexander’s potential when he traded for him after Gilgeous-Alexander’s rookie season with the Los Angeles Clippers in 2019.

While you could see Gilgeous-Alexander’s improvement season over season, he jumped from 24.5 points a game in 2021-22 to 31.4 points per game in 2022-23. He made his first All-NBA team that season and was fifth in MVP voting.

Last season, he averaged 30.1 points, was All-NBA again and finished second in MVP voting.

This season, he took his game to another level, averaging career-highs in points (32.7) and assists (6.4) per game while shooting 51.9% from the field, 37.5% on 3s and 89.8% on free throws. He also averaged 1.7 steals and 1.0 block.

His is the score-first point guard but his playmaking has improved as the talent around him has improved. With Jalen Williams and Lu Dort as teammates, Gilgeous-Alexander is not the team’s premier defender, but he is a two-way star. He’s not allergic to defending.

“What he’s been able to do this (season) has been amazing,” Haliburton said. “He’s an amazing player – MVP of our league, rightfully so, for a reason. We’re looking forward to the challenge of competing against him.”

Gilgeous-Alexander does much of his damage inside the 3-point line, taking just 5.7 3s per game during the regular season. On 2-point attempts, he shot above the league average, making 57.1%. He uses speed and balance to create space and gets to the foul line 8.8 times per game.

His MVP season coincided with a franchise-record 68 victories, and he has powered this run to the Finals. He has scored at least 30 points in 11 of 16 playoff games. He has scored at least 30 in seven of his past eight games and scored 40 against Minnesota in Game 4 of the Western Conference finals, giving the Thunder a 3-1 series lead. In the Game 5 series-clincher, he had 34 points, eight assists and seven rebounds.

“To win a title on top of everything that happened this year would be special,” Alexander said. ‘I said this so many times, I don’t play for the individual stuff, I don’t play for anything else besides winning. I never have in my whole life.

“When I was 9 years old I played to win a OBA (Ontario Basketball Association) championship. When I was 20 years old, I played to win the SEC Championship. Now I’m 26, I want to win the NBA championship. It’s always about winning for me.”

Tyrese Haliburton

Though there are some similarities in Haliburton’s game to Gilgeous-Alexander’s, these are wildly different players. They both play point guard, and they both thrive when the ball is in their hands. That’s more or less where it ends. Whereas Gilgeous-Alexander is a steady, 30-point machine, Haliburton is a pass-first point motor who dictates the speed and pace of Indiana’s offense. The other players on the floor take his lead, waiting for his cues to sprint up the floor, trying to get open looks in transition.

Haliburton, 25, is averaging 9.8 assists per game in the playoffs, most of any player, and is carrying an absurd 35.1 assist-to-turnover ratio. The lack of giveaways marks his efficiency and impact — how he’s able to assess risk and thread passes into tight windows without turning it over.

“He’s doing this within the system,” Pacers coach Rick Carlisle said after Haliburton’s historic triple-double in Game 4 of the Eastern Conference finals. “There isn’t a lot of freelance stuff where they’re just kind of outside-the-box gambles. That’s real growth.”

But while the Pacers thrive on Haliburton’s distribution, they also struggle when he fails to assert himself. There are some games when Haliburton becomes too passive, too deferential, allowing defenses to dictate the volume and types of shots he generates. Across Indiana’s 16 playoff games, Haliburton is averaging 21.3 points per game in 12 victories, compared to just 11.5 in four losses. On average, he attempts nearly six field goals fewer in defeats. When expanded to regular season games, the same pattern is evident.

Perhaps these low-scoring games are where the “overrated” label came from, as Haliburton was voted by his peers as the most overrated player in the NBA in an anonymous poll conducted by the Athletic. Haliburton drew 13 of the 90 votes (14.4%).

Yet, look at the closing minutes of clutch games, when Haliburton has been exceptional. During the regular season and playoffs this year, Haliburton is an astonishing 12-of-14 (85.7%) on attempts to tie the score or take a lead inside the final two minutes (including overtime).

It gets even more impressive. Half of those made shots have been 3-pointers, meaning — across those 14 attempts — he has scored 30 points. That averages out to 2.14 points per shot attempt to tie or take a lead inside the closing two minutes. When converting that into effective field goal percentage, which adjusts to account for the added value of 3s, Haliburton is shooting a preposterous 107.1% in those clutch situations.

And that doesn’t even factor in a pair of and-1s, with resulting made free throws actually giving him 32 points on those 14 attempts.

Overrated? Anything but.

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Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth kicked off Pride month this year with a shot across the bow of wokeness, as his plan to rechristen a Navy ship honoring gay rights icon Harvey Milk has emerged.

Milk was one of the first openly gay elected officials in the country as a member of the San Francisco Board of Supervisors in 1978, and in that same year he was gunned down, leaving him a legacy as a martyr to the cause of gay liberation.

Let’s be clear about two things. First, Hegseth is absolutely trolling the woke left with this move and its timing. Secondly, he is absolutely right to do so, because a navy vessel has nothing to do with men having sex with each other and that is the only thing painting ‘Harvey Milk’ on the side of the ship implies.

Harvey Milk is not a hero to everyone in the United States. One can wholeheartedly support equal rights without celebrating homosexuality, and asking naval officers and civilians to serve on the USNS Harvey Milk does just that.

The ship, which transports oil, isn’t named after Milk, who happened to be gay; it’s named after Milk because he was gay, and Hegseth is correct that this is wildly inappropriate. 

Why not the USNS Liberace? Think of the boon it would be to the domestic chandelier industry.

Progressives seem deeply confused these days about why they don’t appeal to young men, and I would like to submit that the USNS Harvey Milk is a pretty good example of why. 

You take some 18-year-old guy, maybe he watched ‘Top Gun Maverick’ a few too many times and wants to be a warfighter, then you point and say, there’s your ship, it celebrates dudes making out with dudes.

Let’s face it, most sailors in the Navy do not want to be sitting in a diner in 25 years wearing a ballcap that proudly states they served on the ‘Harvey Milk,’ and that’s OK.

Predictably, former House Speaker and San Francisco’s own Rep. Nancy Pelosi decried the decision to rename the ship, calling it, ‘a shameful vindictive erasure of those who fought to break down barriers…’

Is there an element of revenge in Hegseth’s action? There might be, because for decades now Americans have been forced to swallow the bizarre notion that who you have sex with is something to be proud of, as if we should all applaud.

For decades now, every June at ballgames and in TV ads, on municipal buildings and subway trains the rainbow flag has been everywhere, demanding your consent to celebrate gayness.

In recent years, as the teal of the trans flag has bled into the rainbow, we have once again been told that we must accept an absurd lie that men can become women, as if this was just some a priori truth.

Not this time, and as America rejects the trans movement, it is also realizing that bending over backwards every June to cheer on homosexuality makes no sense in a society where gay people face little to no discrimination.

A warship has one purpose, to help to destroy our enemies. Everything about the vessel should be directed towards that goal, including the name emblazoned on it. ‘Harvey Milk’ fails that test.

Throughout the first quarter of the 21st Century, progressives have made enormous gains in American society, and they have generally assumed that once their new norms are established, they cannot be undone.

Hegseth, as he has done before by restoring the names of army bases changed by progressives, is showing that we can indeed go back. History is not a one-way ratchet that only turns left.

Progressives are firmly convinced that everything is an occasion for activism, that their preferred lifestyle and worldview should be threaded into every aspect of our lives. This is wrongheaded in general, but especially so in regard to warfare.

Hegseth is popular with soldiers and vets alike because he understands that his primary job is to kill the enemy while keeping his guys alive. It’s not to promote gay rights, it’s not to foster social justice, it is to destroy.

By all means, name a community center or a clinic after Harvey Milk, but not a warship. Those willing to put their lives on the line aboard deserve better.

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There is mounting evidence that Joe Biden was president in name only during much of his time in office. In his stead, a cabal of top White House staffers appears to have secretly operated a de facto presidency, making crucial decisions without a shred of constitutional authority.  

If proven true, it would call into question the validity of pardons and executive orders issued under his name but without his knowledge or consent. For this reason, it is imperative that Biden’s closest advisers answer questions under oath and others in his orbit be forced to disclose what they knew or observed.

The Department of Justice (DOJ) has launched an investigation into the pardons, commutations and clemencies granted in the waning days of Biden’s presidency, including preemptive pardons gifted to a half dozen members of his own family along with his shifty son, Hunter Biden. The probe focuses on whether the elder Biden was competent and whether others were taking advantage of his seemingly diminished mental state.  

At the same time, the House Oversight Committee is intensifying its own inquiry into the alleged ‘cover-up’ of Biden’s cognitive decline. Of particular interest in both investigations is ‘the potential unauthorized use of autopen’ for many executive actions, said Oversight Chairman James Comer.

Did rogue actors commandeer the device from a clueless Biden to advance their own political and personal agendas? Was national security jeopardized in the process? Let’s call it, ‘The Case of the Runaway Autopen.’ Solving it won’t be easy, given Washington’s proclivity for concealment, deception, obstruction and lies.       

Comer has requested that five former Biden aides, including his physician Kevin O’Connor, sit down for transcribed interviews.  If they resist, subpoenas will be issued. While Biden might assert Executive Privilege to keep them mum, President Trump could override the privilege just as Biden did to Trump after his first term. Assuming he is sentient, Joe might now wish he had not done so.  

The issue of whether pardons and executive orders could be invalidated is not as simple as some legal experts have opined. They assert, for example, that nothing can be done because there is no constitutional mechanism to revoke or overturn pardons once granted. That is only half true.

There is a well-established legal basis for annulling documents. It is founded in common law.  It is called fraud. Under statutory law, it is known as forgery. (See 18 USC 471 and 495). Each are crimes that would render the signed instruments inoperative and unenforceable.    

Just ask the U.S. Supreme Court, which long ago declared unanimously, ‘There is no question of the general doctrine that fraud vitiates the most solemn contracts, documents, and even judgments.’ (United States v. Throckmorton, 98 US 61, (1878))  There exists no exception for presidential documents.  

But let’s back up.

An autopen is a mechanical device that activates a robotic arm with a pen attached. It imitates a person’s signature, although it is identifiable by a consistent impression on the paper. Past presidents have utilized the autopen for a variety of documents. It is perfectly legal but with an important caveat —there must be consent by the purported ‘signator.’ In this case, that’s Biden.     

If the 46th president never consented or, worse, had no knowledge of the autopen’s use for any given document bearing his signature, it could be deemed null and void under law. If Biden was not even competent or mentally fit to provide knowing consent, the result is the same. 

Two decades ago, the Justice Department formally approved presidential deployment of the autopen, but only if a President personally ‘directs’ a subordinate to affix his signature to a specified document. However, the DOJ cautioned that the chief executive may never ‘delegate’ the actual decision to approve and sign any document with the device. That right rests exclusively with a president.   

The sheer volume of suspected Biden autopen usage merits closer scrutiny. The growing number of descriptive accounts of his worsening mental infirmities and incoherence magnifies the need for an intensive investigation. 

If his aides deliberately obscured their boss’s health problems, did they also circumvent his permission for orders issued under his name? Did they act on their own because they knew Biden was not cognizant or otherwise feared his confused response? Americans deserve honest answers. But expecting to get them from highly secretive political operatives is fanciful at best.

House Speaker Mike Johnson recently recounted his first private meeting with Biden last year during which the President had no idea that he signed an executive order weeks earlier pausing the exports of liquified natural gas. When Johnson pressed him, a stunned Biden insisted, ‘I didn’t do that!’ The speaker patiently explained that he did and a copy could be retrieved, yet the President insisted, ‘No, I didn’t do that.’  

‘He genuinely did not know what he had signed,’ said Johnson later. ‘And I walked out of that meeting with fear and loathing because I thought, ‘We are in serious trouble —who is running the country?’ Like, I don’t know who put the paper in front of him, but he didn’t know.’  

It is possible that the executive order was signed by autopen without the consent or knowledge of the president. In the alternative, did Biden sign something that he was incapable of understanding? Perhaps his aides willfully misrepresented its contents. Or maybe Biden was so mentally impaired that he couldn’t remember what he had for breakfast, much less having signed an export ban that cratered American GDP by upwards of $200 billion.

It is beyond curious that the preemptive pardons handed out like Halloween candy to Dr. Anthony Fauci, members of the J-6 committee and six of Biden’s immediate relatives all bear the unique marks of an autopen. By contrast, Hunter Biden’s pardon almost certainly resembles his father’s genuine and shaky signature. Why the difference? Did Biden verily approve or direct the group pardons? Or did someone command the autopen without assent?

There is substantial and compelling evidence that Biden was sliding further and further into mental decay as his presidency progressed. Americans are right to wonder just who was running the country. Biden himself seemed to answer the question during several of his rare public outings.  

In one memorable appearance he said, ‘Sorry, but I’ll get in trouble with my staff if I don’t do this the right way.’  In another, a confused Biden turned to staffers and asked, ‘Am I allowed to take questions? Where’s my staff?’ On a still another occasion he mumbled with regret, ‘I thought when I got to be President, I’d get to do things I wanted to do, but my staff tells me what I can’t do.’ These are stunning confessionals.   

There is no need to recite the myriad of instances where Americans witnessed a faltering and enfeebled Biden wandering around a stage lost and bewildered. He was not ‘compos mentis.’ His mental faculties dwindled. His ability to think and communicate vanished. It all came crashing down on the night of June 27, 2024. The disastrous presidential debate reinforced the truth of his withering condition.     

It is increasingly apparent that a coterie of unelected White House aides who connived to hide Biden’s declining state were the ones making vital decisions behind the scenes. They reportedly called themselves the ‘Politburo,’ a nod to the ruling committee of the communist party in the former Soviet Union. The symmetry is not coincidental; it is revealing. They maneuvered and manipulated in a culture of dishonesty.

With Biden mentally incapable of fully performing the demanding duties of his high office, it seems that others took it upon themselves to arrogate his authority. This would constitute a shameful abuse of power that contravenes our constitutional framework. It merits comprehensive investigations by both Congress and the Department of Justice.

In responding to the probes, Biden issued a statement on Wednesday insisting, ‘I made the decisions about pardons, executive orders, legislation, and proclamations,’ adding that ‘any suggestion that I didn’t is ridiculous and false.’ The denial is no surprise. But is it more of the same pretense and cover-up that came to define his presidency? Did Joe even write that statement?

Almost five years ago in my August 2020 podcast, I warned that if Joe Biden was elected, he would become a ‘Marionette President’ controlled by unscrupulous White House puppeteers making critical decisions for the nation. I wasn’t prescient, only paying attention to what was plainly visible.

What is so confounding —and equally alarming— is how long the deceitful charade lasted. As it slowly unravels, we are reminded that calculating lies rarely endure the engine of truth.

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Elon Musk’s diatribe against President Donald Trump’s ‘one big, beautiful bill’ continued Wednesday as Senate Republicans embarked on their own course to tweak and reshape the gargantuan legislative package.

The former head of the Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE) rehashed a similar talking point from his takedown of a previous House GOP government funding bill in December, which, after his input, was gutted and reworked.

The nation’s debt sits at over $36 trillion, according to FOX Business’ National Debt Tracker.

‘Call your Senator, Call your Congressman,’ Musk said among a flurry of posts on X. ‘Bankrupting America is NOT ok! KILL the BILL.’

Though Musk’s continued tirade against the bill sent House Republicans into a tizzy, on the other side of the Capitol, senators were busy hashing out the finer points of the legislation.

This time around, Musk, who just ended his four-month tenure as a special government employee rooting out waste, fraud and abuse, may not have the same level of impact, given that senators want their chance to shape the bill.

‘I mean, if Elon was going to give me advice on how to get to the moon, I’d listen,’ said Sen. Kevin Cramer, R-N.D. ‘You know, if he was going to give me advice on how to raise several billion dollars from other billionaires, I’d listen.’

‘But… he doesn’t govern, you know, and so, to be honest, Elon, he’s not that big a factor,’ he continued. ‘I know he’s a glamorous sort of celebrity, but he’s not a big factor.’

Cramer’s comments came after Senate Republicans heard from the chairs of the Senate Banking, Armed Services and Commerce committees on how they would approach their respective portions of the megabill in a closed-door meeting.

After that meeting, members of the Senate Finance Committee, which will handle the tax portion of the package, met with Trump later to shore up support for the tax package.

Sen. Roger Marshall, R.-Kan., said that the president’s main message during the meeting was to ‘pass the damn bill’ with as few changes as possible. When asked if Trump seemed concerned about Musk’s impact on the bill’s fate, the lawmaker said ‘absolutely not.’  

‘It was almost laugh— more of a laughing conversation for 30 seconds,’ he said. ‘It was very much in jest and laughing, and I think he said something positive about Elon, appreciating what he did for the country.’

Congressional Republicans intend to use the budget reconciliation process to skirt the Senate filibuster, meaning they do not need Senate Democrats to pass the package. However, they do need at least 51 Senate Republicans to get on board.

The Senate’s shot at tinkering with the reconciliation package comes after months of deliberations and negotiations in the House that culminated in a package that Trump has thrown his full support behind.

Some lawmakers want higher spending cuts to the tune of $2 trillion, others want a full rollback to pre-pandemic spending. Then there are pockets of resistance solidifying around cuts to Medicaid and green energy tax credit provisions baked into the House’s offering.

Among the green energy provisions on the chopping block are electric vehicle tax credits. Speculation has swirled that their proposed demise could be the driving force, in part, behind Musk’s anger toward the bill.

‘Any senator with a brain sees Elon’s comments for what they are, a CEO worried about losing business,’ a Senate Republican source told Fox News Digital. ‘The only reason he’s causing a fuss is because we’re getting rid of pork that benefits his electric car company.’

Musk had been pushing for deeper spending cuts until his new demand that the bill be nuked. Currently, the House GOP’s offering sets a goal of $1.5 trillion in spending cuts over the next decade that, coupled with expected growth, would help offset the roughly $4 trillion price tag of making the president’s first-term tax cuts permanent.

Sen. Mike Lee, R-Utah, engaged with some of Musk’s posts on Tuesday and appeared to agree with the tech billionaire’s position that the bill had to go further to cut spending.

‘I think most of what he’s saying is he would like it to do more and be more aggressive to try to address the debt and deficit problem,’ Lee said.

However, the nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office found in its latest report that the bill would only cut $1.3 trillion, reduce revenues by roughly $3.7 trillion and add in the neighborhood of $2.4 trillion to the deficit.

Some lawmakers who had found common ground with Musk’s earlier anger with the ‘big, beautiful bill’ still found a common ally on the second day of his rant.

Sen. Rand Paul, R-Ky., reiterated to Fox News Digital that he shared Musk’s ‘skepticism’ of the bill. He would not say whether he agreed that congressional Republicans should start from scratch, but noted that his main objection to the bill was a plan to increase the nation’s debt limit by $5 trillion.

‘My main goal is to say, take the debt ceiling and make it a separate vote, and then vote on a separate bill, and then there’s still a need for less spending,’ he said. ‘But I would be very open to supporting the bill if we had more spending cuts and the debt ceiling was a separate vote.’

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The Edmonton Oilers started the 2025 Stanley Cup Final the same way they started their last run to a championship – by winning Game 1 in overtime.

They didn’t need as long as they took in 1990 when Petr Klima scored in the third overtime of that series’ opener. But Leon Draisaitl’s power-play goal at 19:29 of the first overtime was just as important for an Oilers team that lost the first three games of the 2024 Final and eventually fell in seven games.

The Oilers had trailed the defending champion Florida Panthers 3-1 early in the second period on Wednesday night after Sam Bennett’s second goal of the game (and 12th of the playoffs) before rallying for a 4-3 victory.

Connor McDavid helped the comeback with a nice assist on Mattias Ekholm’s tying goal and an even better one on the Draisaitl goal, the second of the game for the Hart Trophy finalist. He has three overtime goals in the 2025 playoffs, tying an NHL record.

The game looked like it would head to a second overtime, but Florida’s Tomas Nosek received a delay of game penalty for putting the puck over the glass.

The Panthers lost for the first time (29-1) in the three seasons under coach Paul Maurice when leading in the playoffs after two periods.

The teams will meet again in Edmonton, Alberta, on Friday night (8 p.m. ET, TNT, truTV).

Highlights from Game 1 of the Stanley Cup Final between the Edmonton Oilers and Florida Panthers:

Oilers vs. Panthers highlights

Game recap

Final score: Oilers 4, Panthers 3 (OT)

Connor McDavid feeds Leon Draisaitl in front of the net for the game-winner.

Oilers power play

Tomas Nosek puts the puck over the glass. There’s 1:43 left in the overtime period.

Midway through first overtime

Sergei Bobrovsky stops Mattias Ekholm twice to keep it tied before the mandatory ice scrape.

Sergei Bobrovsky save

The Panthers goalie slides across to stop Trent Frederic.

Edmonton Oilers chance

Edmonton’s Kasperi Kapanen splits the defense and hits the post. He had an OT goal earlier in the playoffs.

Overtime underway

Corey Perry and Carter Verhaeghe have five career OT playoff goals. Brad Marchand has four.

End of third period: Oilers 3, Panthers 3

The Oilers dominated that period, outshooting the Panthers 14-2. Mattias Ekholm tied the game when Connor McDavid’s pass from the goal line found him after going under several Panthers players sticks.

We’re heading to overtime

The Oilers overcame a 3-1 deficit early in the second period to tie the game. Mattias Ekholm tied it up in the third period.

Stoppage in play

Puck in Florida zone after puck goes out of play, which is determined after on-ice officials consult. 25 seconds left.

Less than a minute left

Still tied. Faceoff in Florida zone after an icing.

Sergei Bobrovsky puckhandling error

The Panthers goalie makes a bad pass and Edmonton gets a couple chances, but he stops them.

Eight minutes left

Still 3-3.

Score update: Oilers 3, Panthers 3

Mattias Ekholm gets the goal off an assist from Connor McDavid at 6:33. Ekholm has a goal and an assist in two games since he returned from injury.

Third period underway

3-2 Panthers. Edmonton has 47 seconds left on a power play. Penalty is killed. According to the NHL, the Panthers are 31-0 in the playoffs under coach Paul Maurice when leading after the first or second period.

End second: Panthers 3, Oilers 2

Sam Bennett scored his second goal of the game (and 12th of the playoffs) as the Panthers controlled that period with a 17-8 edge in shots. But a Viktor Arvidsson goal has kept it close. This time, Stuart Skinner was the busier goalie in that period and he looked good after Bennett’s goal. Florida’s Jonah Gadjovich went to the dressing room early in the second period and hasn’t skated another shift.

Oilers power play

Evan Rodrigues high sticks Leon Draisaitl, giving Edmonton a chance to tie with 1:13 left in the second period. Sergei Bobrovsky makes a couple saves and 47 seconds will carry into the third period.

Midway through second period

Edmonton has only two shots so far, though one has gone in.

Score update: Panthers 3, Oilers 2

The Oilers get one back 77 seconds later. Viktor Arvidsson beats a screened Sergei Bobrovsky just under the glove.

Score update: Panthers 3, Oilers 1

Sam Bennett again, this time on a rush with Nate Schmidt. That’s 12 goals for Bennett this season. The pending unrestricted free agent is looking at a big payday. Two assists for Schmidt and Carter Verhaeghe in this game.

Second period underway

Panthers 2, Oilers 1

End first: Panthers 2, Oilers 1

Edmonton had to like its start after Leon Draisaitl scored 66 seconds in and the Oilers outshot Florida 14-7. But the Panthers escape with the lead because the Oilers challenged Sam Bennett’s tying goal and lost. That gave Florida a power play and Brad Marchand scored for the lead. Panthers goalie Sergei Bobrovsky has been impressive, with multiple back-to-back saves. Even on the Draisaitl goal, he made two saves before Edmonton scored. Bennett now up to 11 goals this postseason.

Oilers power play

It’s 4-on-3 after three consecutive penalties. The Oilers’ power play is at 56% at home this postseason. Good movement by Edmonton, but Sergei Bobrovsky stops Leon Draisaitl on the best chance. Penalty killed.

Score update: Panthers 2, Oilers 1

Edmonton is shorthanded after the unsuccessful challenge. Brad Marchand scores after a cross-ice pass and the Oilers’ 1-0 lead has quickly become a 2-1 deficit.

Score update: Panthers 1, Oilers 1

Sam Bennett scores and Edmonton challenges for goaltender interference because Bennett fell into Stuart Skinner. But it’s ruled that Bennett was knocked into the goalie and the goal stands. Carter Verhaeghe’s shot went in off Bennett. Panthers going on power play.

Panthers power play

Corey Perry is called for high-sticking. Panthers power play is clicking at 23.2% this postseason. Edmonton penalty kill is at 66%. Connor McDavid out there killing penalties and hits the crossbar on a shorthanded rush. Edmonton kills it.

Stuart Skinner save

The Edmonton goalie stops Sam Bennett on a partial breakaway. Connor McDavid raced back to help defend.

Score update: Oilers 1, Panthers 0

Leon Draisaitl puts Edmonton ahead at 1:06. Jake Walman starts the play with a shot from the point. Sergei Bobrovsky stops that and Kasperi Kapanen’s rebound, but the puck pops out to Draisaitl. He was playing hurt in last season’s final and had no goals then.

Game underway

Both teams have their top lines out there.

When is Stanley Cup Final Game 1? Panthers vs. Oilers game time

The Florida Panthers and Edmonton Oilers will face off at 8 p.m. ET (6 p.m. local) at Rogers Place in Edmonton, Alberta on Wednesday.

What TV channel is Panthers vs. Oilers Game 1 on?

TNT and truTV are broadcasting Game 1 of the NHL Stanley Cup Final. Kenny Albert will provide play-by-play, while Eddie Olczyk, Brian Boucher, Darren Pang and Jackie Redmond will provide analysis and reporting.

Stream the 2025 Stanley Cup Final on Sling

How to watch Panthers vs. Oilers Game 1

Date: Wednesday, June 4
Location: Rogers Place in Edmonton, Alberta
Time: 8 p.m. ET (6 p.m. MT)
TV: TNT, truTV
Streaming: Max, Sling TV

Where to stream Stanley Cup Finals

The Stanley Cup Final can be streamed on Max and Sling TV

Starting lineups are official

It will be the Connor McDavid line for Edmonton vs. the Aleksander Barkov line for Florida. Edmonton defense pairing is Mattias Ekholm and Evan Bouchard. Florida defense pairing is Seth Jones and Niko Mikkola. Stuart Skinner vs. Sergei Bobrovsky in net.

Starting lineups

It’s not official yet, but the roster report shows the Panthers will start the Aleksander Barkov line and the Oilers will counter with the Connor McDavid line. Strength against strength. The NHL’s best player (McDavid) vs. the three-time Selke Trophy winner (Barkov).

Connor Brown returning

The official roster report has Edmonton’s Connor Brown back in the lineup after an injury absence. That means Jeff Skinner will sit out. Skinner, who’s in the playoffs for the first time in his career, has played the opening game of the playoffs and in the Oilers’ Game 5 clincher. He scored in that game.

Who is the last Canadian team to win the Stanley Cup?

Oilers lineup

Panthers lineup

Edmonton Oilers’ leading scorers

The Oilers have the four top scorers in the series: McDavid has 26 points, followed by Leon Draisaitl (25), Ryan Nugent-Hopkins (18) and Evan Bouchard (17). Draisaitl and Corey Perry are tied with a team-high seven goals.

Florida Panthers’ leading scorers

The Panthers have 10 players with double-digit points, led by Barkov (17), Matthew Tkachuk (16) and Sam Bennett (16). Bennett is also the playoffs’ leading goal scorer with 10.

Goaltending matchup

Oilers’ Stuart Skinner (6-4, 2.53 goals-against average, .904 save percentage) vs. Panthers’ Sergei Bobrovsky (12-5, 2.11, .912)

Gary Bettman news conference

The commissioner said the league isn’t interested in extending regular-season overtime to cut down on the number of shootouts. He notes that only 28% of overtime games go to a shootout.

‘To extend overtime risks injury and fatigue and we don’t think it’s necessary,’ he said. ‘And I think there are lots of fans who demonstrate during the shootout by standing up in the building that it’s an interesting and exciting way to decide … not an overly burdensome number’ of regular-season games.

Also, Bettman reiterated that the International Olympic Committee has said there will be no Russian teams at the 2026 Games.

Deputy commissioner Bill Daly said that though cities have expressed interest in joining the NHL, ‘We’ve decided we’re not going to engage in a formal expansion process.’

Zach Hyman injury update

Oilers forward Zach Hyman had surgery for a dislocated wrist during the Western Conference finals and will be out for the rest of the playoffs. He met with reporters on Wednesday while sporting a large cast on his wrist and discussed the situation.

‘Right away, I just felt my wrist kind of go on me,’ he said, adding, ‘I was still a little delusional that I could play through it until after the surgery. … Some things in life you can’t control and this is one of them.’

Hyman was on the couch watching the clinching game with his wife and mother-in-law when he was Face-timed by the team.

‘It meant the world,’ he said. ‘I wasn’t expecting it.’

Hyman said he will travel with the team, even though he can’t play.

Stanley Cup Final predictions

USA TODAY predictions for the Stanley Cup (click here for more details):

Jason Anderson: Oilers in 7. Conn Smythe winner: Connor McDavid, Oilers

Mike Brehm: Panthers in 6. Conn Smythe winner: Aleksander Barkov, Panthers

Jace Evans: Oilers in 6. Conn Smythe winner: Leon Draisaitl, Oilers

Stanley Cup Final schedule

All times Eastern; (x-if necessary)

Game 1: Wednesday, June 4 | Florida at Edmonton | 8 p.m. | TNT, truTV
Game 2: Friday, June 6 | Florida at Edmonton | 8 p.m | TNT, truTV
Game 3: Monday, June 9, Edmonton at Florida | 8 p.m. | TNT, truTV
Game 4: Thursday, June 12, Edmonton at Florida | 8 p.m. | TNT, truTV
x-Game 5: Saturday, June 14, Florida at Edmonton | 8 p.m. | TNT, truTV
x-Game 6: Tuesday, June 17, Edmonton at Florida | 8 p.m. | TNT, truTV
x-Game 7: Friday, June 20, Florida at Edmonton | 8 p.m. | TNT, truTV

Stanley Cup Final Game 1 odds: Panthers vs. Oilers betting lines

All odds via BetMGM (as of Tuesday, June 3)

Spread: Oilers (-1.5)
Moneyline: Oilers (-130); Panthers (+110)
Over/Under: 6

Odds to win 2025 NHL Stanley Cup Final

Oilers -125
Panthers +105

Odds to win Stanley Cup Final: Number of games

Oilers 4-0: +1200
Oilers 4-1: +550
Oilers 4-2: +425
Oilers 4-3: +425
Panthers 4-0: +1400
Panthers 4-1: +650
Panthers 4-2: +425
Panthers 4-3: +500

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One way to identify who are the top wrestlers is by who has a nickname. More often than not, those with a tag are some of the greats.

There’s “The Heartbreak Kid” Shawn Michaels. “The Nature Boy” Ric Flair. “The Tribal Chief” Roman Reigns. “The Viper” Randy Orton. “The Man” Becky Lynch. “The Champ” John Cena. The list goes on and on. 

What do they all have in common? All the aforementioned stars earned their names during their career. It took championship reigns, iconic matches and memorable moments while earning the crowd’s praise for them to be bestowed the honor.

Then there’s Roxanne Perez.

From the moment she signed with WWE at age 20, Perez has been dubbed “The Prodigy.” Meaning a highly talented youth, the nickname set incredible expectations for her. How can you be named “The Prodigy” and not become an instant success? The bar was set incredibly high for the woman standing at 5-foot tall.

So far, Perez has soared above every benchmark set on her. She won the NXT Women’s Championship in her first year with the company in 2022, and became the third-ever two-time title holder last year while becoming the face of the women’s developmental division.

Success at NXT set the foundation, but the real test was going to be whether Perez could continue rolling on the main roster. Like a baseball player, you can be great in the minors, but your legacy ultimately lies in the major leagues.

It’s a small sample size, but the early returns show “The Prodigy” really is the perfect nickname. She had a record setting day at the Royal Rumble in February and was in Elimination Chamber one month later. Now officially called-up, she’ll have her third main roster premium live event of 2025 in the women’s Money in the Bank match. 

Not bad for being the youngest star on the main roster at 23 years old.

“‘The Prodigy’ is not just a nickname; it’s something that I’ve created myself into through hard work,” Perez told USA TODAY Sports. “The main roster officially knows that Roxanne Perez, ‘The Prodigy,’ is here, and she’s here to stay, and she’s here to make waves.”

Roxanne Perez’s building confidence

The Perez appearing on Monday Night Raw isn’t the same one that showed up on NXT three years ago. Gone is that bubbly, innocent new kid on the block who captured fans’ hearts. Now is a more blunt, unapologetically vicious star who doesn’t care “what everybody says,” as she puts it.

It’s a side of Perez that oozes with swagger, but it took time to develop what shows up on screen. 

Perez said she’s glad she spent three years in NXT rather than jumping on the main roster early. In the developmental stage, she believes she really got to work on what she wanted to portray. It’s a complete contrast to what helped her establish a spot in the company, but Perez noted she “evolved into who I was really meant to be.”

Showing a successful darker side of herself proved to management she was ready for the call-up. She had developed something that clicked. However, with that came the next challenge: keeping the confidence off-screen.

One could argue no one on the roster was as big of a WWE fan as a kid than Perez. It was around age 8 the Laredo, Texas native knew she wanted to be a wrestler. Some wrestlers from that time like CM Punk and Natalya − who she famously got to talk to on ‘Total Divas’ − are still on the roster, and Perez was able to look up to the leaders of the women’s revolution as she started getting in the ring.

Those same people she admired are now coworkers, and Perez admitted that has led to some bits of imposter syndrome. There were doubts she belonged alongside decorated stars – even as she started racking up her own accolades – and plenty of training was needed to overcome the feeling.

“To have the name prodigy on my back, it was definitely kind of hard mentally because it was like, well, am I ‘The Prodigy’ when I’m surrounded by all of these people?” she said. “I really had to kind of find that confidence in me and realize, no, yeah, I am. Just because I’m surrounded by these people that I’ve watched growing up doesn’t mean that I can’t be on the same level as them. 

“I really had to start training myself to be like, ‘you belong here.’ And now I feel like everybody knows that I do belong here.”

The work Perez has put into her confidence has carried over into the ring. Whether it’s shunning away the cheers or scheming menacing methods of victory, Perez has found the right persona for her, and she’s still crafting it. She still views every time she appears as an audition, and even for someone on a meteoric rise like her, it feels like the correct approach for a young star. 

While she’s had the opportunity to get her feet wet in the main roster, Perez is in the most delicate stage one could be on in WWE. Success in NXT doesn’t mean it carries over onto the main roster. For every star that stays hot, there’s another that didn’t pan out. It leads to limited opportunities, being forgotten and the eventual release from the company.

Perez said she could’ve been someone that flamed out following her time with NXT, but its the consistent effort being put in that has led to the solid start and building a foundation for it to last.

“I’m trying to prove myself every single night,” she said. “You can’t get comfortable, ever.”

Joining the Judgment Day, ready for Money in the Bank

The Royal Rumble match was nothing new for Perez after appearances in 2023 and 2024, but it was the 2025 edition that gave a peek of the leap she was bound to take. She was entrant No. 3 and lasted a women’s record one hour, seven minutes and 47 seconds, finishing runner-up to Charlotte Flair.

It was a monumental moment to put the young star in, and she nearly clinched a WrestleMania match when she competed in the women’s Elimination Chamber in March. Even though neither match resulted in victory, it was clear Perez was ready for the big stage, officially joining Raw on May 19. 

The move to Raw has also led Perez into an intriguing storyline. With assistance from Finn Balor, she has tried to make her way into The Judgment Day, a move she believes will really help further her career. There’s been pushback from Liv Morgan and Raquel Rodriguez as Perez is trying to get in the good graces of the group by helping out in matches and offering gifts. 

“I think it’s going well, I don’t know if you’d say the same,” she said. “Some of them are kind of enjoying my time there. Some are not, but that’s OK.”

One notable moment happened when Perez gifted Dominik Mysterio his beloved chicken nuggets. Fans instantly believed it would lead to her becoming the new on-screen lover for the Intercontinental Champion, therefore leading to heat with his current beloved in Morgan.

Regardless of where it leads, it feels like there’s just something about Mysterio that makes women swoon. But when asked about what makes Mysterio such a hot commodity, Perez didn’t understand what the fuss was about.

“No one says I folded or that I’m in love with him,” she said. “I don’t know who says I find him intriguing in that way. I’m just trying to be in everybody’s good graces.

“I think everybody just needs to see how it unfolds.”

While she works into the group, Perez will get another massive opportunity with the women’s Money in the Bank match on June 7. Win and she gets a championship match at any moment in the next year. 

It’s always been a dream for Perez to compete in Money in the Bank, and she’s hoping to make memories during the match where she becomes forever linked with the 2025 show. She also may have given a hint at what she would do if she wins; she said her favorite moments are when the briefcase is cashed in on the same night. So Iyo Sky or Tiffany Stratton aren’t safe at all if it’s ‘Rox in the Bank.’

The PLE win would result in someone that will “make a change in the woman’s division in so many good ways,” Perez said. It could further launch her way toward the top of the roster, and cement “The Prodigy” wasn’t just a nickname for Perez; it was her destiny.

“Everything is going exactly the way that I wanted it to, in the way I manifested it to, and the way I just worked hard for it too,” she said.

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