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At the height of the Michigan football sign-stealing scandal last month, with coaches in the Big Ten pushing for Jim Harbaugh to be punished, Southeastern Conference commissioner Greg Sankey was asked how he might handle the same situation in his league.

‘I don’t wish that on anybody,’ Sankey told reporters.

But, in fact, there was a situation in the SEC fairly recently when accusations of spying were well known within the league. After speculation had run through the coaching fraternity that one of the league’s men’s basketball programs was using a secret camera in its arena to film opponents’ practices, the topic was brought into the open at a men’s basketball coaches meeting following the 2017-18 season, according to three people with direct knowledge of the situation. Those people spoke to USA TODAY Sports on the condition of anonymity because they were not authorized to publicly discuss the meeting.

An SEC spokesperson confirmed to USA TODAY Sports that the conversation took place in 2018 after the SEC office was ‘made aware of general concerns about video cameras in basketball arenas related to visiting team practices and informally received information involving an individual institution. Uncorroborated information is typically shared with an involved institution, which occurred during the off-season period.’

The SEC did not name the institution, but according to six people affiliated with different SEC programs, Auburn was the team at the center of the spying allegations. With head coach Bruce Pearl in the room, however, nobody wanted to stand up and point the finger directly. During a tense moment, according to those people with knowledge of the meeting, then-South Carolina coach Frank Martin implored his colleagues to stop with anonymous sniping and say what they wanted to say.

“The SEC wanted someone to turn them in so they could put a name behind the accusation,” said one person who was in the room at the time. “Nobody would do it.” 

Plus, proof was scant. There was no Connor Stalions-type smoking gun of wrongdoing, and the SEC typically prefers to keep such family squabbles in-house. After three seasons at the bottom of the SEC standings, Auburn had just tied for the league title and reached the NCAA tournament’s round of 32. The Tigers’ success only heightened the sense of suspicion.

‘Word was out not to do anything in their building,’ said one former SEC assistant.

USA TODAY Sports submitted a list of questions to Auburn about the allegations. USA TODAY Sports allowed four full business days, but Auburn did not respond.

The SEC’s statement to USA TODAY Sports noted that member schools agreed, after the spying allegations surfaced, to a change in the men’s basketball manual for the 2019 season. The new procedure required a member of the home team’s game-management staff to notify a member of the visiting team’s traveling party about the location of all video cameras, which had to be powered off with a cover applied to the lens if one was available.

The episode illustrated how espionage, and the paranoia that comes with it, is not just contained to one sport. Though most of the famous spying scandals have been attached to football — the New England Patriots became embroiled in Spygate when a member of their staff was caught filming the New York Jets’ sideline from an improper location — there’s actually a long tradition of it in college basketball.

That’s mostly because it’s so easy to do.

Spying suspicions abound during road-game practices

Whenever a team goes on the road, it is typically granted a 90-minute practice in the arena where the game will be played. In the old days, some coaches would send a staffer to sweep the upper deck and make sure nobody suspicious was hiding in a dark corner or peeking through curtains.

But now, digital eyes are everywhere. From security cameras to permanent TV cameras to cameras used for tracking technology, a coach can easily access a stream or video of whatever is happening in his arena, with one or two clicks on his laptop. That makes for rampant opportunity to cheat. One current Division I men’s coach told USA TODAY Sports he doesn’t even worry about it anymore because he assumes his team is being watched every moment of a walkthrough on the road.

“I would say that every coach who goes into an opposing gym to practice is going to be paranoid that someone has a camera on somewhere or that somebody’s spying,” said longtime coach and ESPN analyst Fran Fraschilla. “I would say it probably doesn’t go on all that much, but most coaches aren’t going to (show) much inside the other guy’s gym. They’ll do their walkthrough in a ballroom at the hotel and go to the arena just to get shots up and get used to the environment.”

Chris Caputo, the head coach at George Washington and a longtime assistant under Jim Larranaga at Miami and George Mason, said there have been a few occasions during his career when he felt like perhaps an opponent knew something it shouldn’t have known based on how it defended a particular play. He theorized that the growth of support staffs in major programs, combined with the prevalence of discreet cameras, would naturally increase the odds of someone crossing the line. 

“The bigger these staffs get in basketball in particular, you have young guys who are manning the technology and they’re eager, they’re inexperienced, they’re competitive,” Caputo said. “They’re willing to do whatever to feel like they’re doing a good job in the scouting. I’m not saying it’s happening, but there is an environment where it could happen.”

But it’s not just a recent phenomenon. 

Would spying truly give basketball teams an advantage?

In 2003, shortly after it was revealed that Baylor coach Dave Bliss had portrayed murdered player Patrick Dennehy as a drug dealer in an attempt to cover up NCAA violations that included Bliss paying for part of Dennehy’s tuition, an internal inquiry found potential evidence of Baylor taping opponents at shootaround. 

According to a report in the Dallas Morning News at the time, a former administrative assistant under Bliss said that a live feed of Kansas State’s practice inside the Ferrell Center had appeared on a television in the athletics department. It’s unclear what became of that allegation, which never made it into the NCAA’s official inquiry into Baylor. Bliss received a 10-year show-cause penalty from the NCAA and was essentially banned from major college basketball. 

“If that happened – and that’s the key word, ‘if,’ – I’d be disappointed,” former Kansas State coach Jim Wooldridge told the newspaper at the time. “Did they gain an advantage? I don’t know.”

Baylor won the game.

Tom Penders, who was a head coach at six Division I programs over 33 years, said he knew “for a fact” that he had encountered situations during his career where his practices were being filmed. Asked how he knew, Penders said assistant coaches of those opponents eventually admitted it to him after they’d left for other jobs. But rather than complain or turn someone in for violating the rules, Penders took a different tack.

“After that, we’d start going in for our walkthrough the night before and put in phony plays, out-of-bounds plays we’d never use just to screw with them, because we knew who was filming us,” Penders said. “We’d get off to a 12-2 start and they’d burn timeouts because we threw curveballs at them.” 

It’s unclear how much of an advantage coaches could gain from watching an opponent’s walkthrough. In football, having an opponent’s signals could be a real difference-maker in helping a defense get aligned properly or knowing which players are important to cover. But basketball is more about concepts, which generally don’t change much from game-to-game, or sometimes even year-to-year. There aren’t many secrets. 

On the other hand, there are specific situations — for instance, knowing a new out-of-bounds play — that could theoretically make enough of a difference to flip the outcome of a big game and be the difference between making the NCAA tournament or not.

“You might be able to save yourself four points and win the game by one,” said Jimmy Dykes, the ESPN and SEC Network analyst who was the women’s head coach at Arkansas from 2014-17. “That’s the payoff. The pressure to win is intense, man. The lines of integrity can get blurred pretty quickly when you’re seriously in the battle, the heat of the season, and every possession is precious.”

Though Dykes said he wasn’t aware of any specific evidence tied to spying allegations, rumors “circulate in the college basketball family” constantly, and he considers it unethical behavior. 

“Half the teams I cover are very cautious, and the other half don’t give a rip because they’re not running anything they don’t already have on film,” Dykes said. “But I’ve had teams tell me, ‘We put in a brand new out-of-bounds play we ran through, and the first time we call it, they jump a pass and get a steal.’ Those are real concerns.”

Spying claims are hard to prove

Ultimately, though, those types of accusations are difficult to prove and even harder to police. They also might just be wrong. One Division I assistant told USA TODAY Sports about getting a frantic phone call from an administrator because one of the cameras in the arena had a red light on, and one of their opponents threw a fit when they noticed it.

‘It was just an accident,’ the assistant said. ‘That’s the last thing (the head coach) would have allowed.’

But when everyone has their guard up, anything is cause for suspicion. Despite the 2018 meeting that should have served as a warning to stop spying (if that’s what was going on), one SEC coach told USA TODAY Sports he still won’t do anything on the road that would reveal information about plays or lineups and just uses the time to shoot. Any actual preparation would occur in a hotel ballroom that would be completely private — presumably, anyway.

As for the Auburn situation, the SEC never had any basis to sanction the school or even launch a formal investigation. Nothing was proven.

But one coaching staff did try to test the theory.

According to someone with direct involvement in the plan, who spoke with USA TODAY Sports on the condition of anonymity, their team began a game at Auburn with a signal to run a specific play that they had worked on inside the arena the evening before. As the coaches expected, Auburn’s bench recognized the signal and called it out for their players to defend.

‘There’s no way they could have known,’ said the coach, who no longer works in the SEC.

The reason he came to that conclusion was simple, he said: Before the shootaround at Auburn, they had never run the play or used that signal before.

Follow Dan Wolken on social media @DanWolken

This post appeared first on USA TODAY

On Nov. 1, the day of his introductory press conference, Pierce had said rookie Aidan O’Connell would be the team’s starter moving forward. Flash forward: the Raiders are coming off of a 3-0 loss against the Minnesota Vikings in which the offense converted just three-of-14 third down attempts (21%) and recorded only 202 total yards. Las Vegas fell to 5-8 and now may reverse course, with a Thursday game against the Los Angeles Chargers looming.

‘I never said Aidan wasn’t the starter,’ Pierce said Wednesday in a news conference. ‘I’ll say that first and foremost … We’re still evaluating. If there’s a chance to get better, a chance to improve, a chance to put us in position to win, we got to look into all the factors that go into that. Making decisions off the media, a loss, a bad, ugly performance, that’s not how you do things in the National Football League.

‘We’re going to do whatever it takes to put ourselves in position to win. And after today, we’ll have a better answer.’

Still, because the Raiders are suiting up Thursday night on a short week, it may prove to be difficult to make a change ahead of their game against Los Angeles. But, Pierce’s lack of an endorsement for O’Connell could signal that the rookie may be on a short leash, if he struggles.

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Who else do the Raiders have at quarterback?

Veteran Jimmy Garoppolo began this season as the starter, after he signed a three-year deal with Las Vegas in March that’s worth up to $67.5 million. At the time, the move made some sense; Garoppolo was reuniting with then-Raiders coach Josh McDaniels, whom he knew from his days with the New England Patriots, when McDaniels was offensive coordinator.

Garoppolo, however, struggled, completing 65.5% of his passes for 1,205 yards, with seven touchdowns against nine interceptions in six starts. When the Raiders fired McDaniels at the start of November, Pierce became the interim and he appointed O’Connell as the starter.

Aside from Garoppolo, the Raiders also have another McDaniels favorite in journeyman Brian Hoyer, a 38-year-old veteran who also played under the former Raiders coach. Hoyer started one game this year, a 30-12 loss during Week 7 against the Chicago Bears.

What are Aidan O’Connell’s stats this season?

In seven games this year, including six starts, O’Connell has been uneven. He has completed 63.8% of his throws for 1,365 yards, four touchdowns and seven interceptions. A fourth-round pick in the 2023 NFL draft out of Purdue, O’Connell helped the Raiders win his first two starts after McDaniels was fired, but Las Vegas has since dropped the following three games.

This post appeared first on USA TODAY

Kansas City tight end Travis Kelce adamantly denies any suggestion that the Chiefs’ receiving corps is the reason for the team’s recent struggles.

‘We’re not rolling like we have been in the past,’ Kelce conceded on this week’s episode of his and brother Jason’s ‘New Heights’ podcast. ‘There’s a lot of media pointing fingers at some of the skill players we have. I say (expletive) that.’

On Sunday, wideout Kadarius Toney was flagged for being offside, nullifying an apparent go-ahead touchdown in the final minute of what ended up being a 20-17 loss to the Buffalo Bills — the Chiefs’ fourth defeat in their last six games.

‘I’ve got all the faith in the world in that dude. He’s one of our best players,’ the Chiefs star said of Toney.

‘Everybody hating on KT right now, I’m not trying to hear that. You can (expletive) miss me with it. I’m trusting in 19 every time he’s out there on the field.’

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The Chiefs touchdown that wasn’t

Kelce was in the middle of the big play that nearly won it for Kansas City, with a surprise lateral to Toney that he said he made up ‘on the spot.’

The play came with 1:12 to play with the Chiefs just entering Buffalo territory. On second and 10, quarterback Patrick Mahomes hit Kelce over the middle of the field at the Bills’ 24. As defenders closed in on him, Kelce improvised with a cross-field lateral to Toney.

‘I saw him out of the corner of my eye in a lateral position, in a position where I knew that if I could get him the ball I knew he had space to score a touchdown,’ he said.

The offside penalty erased the TD and set off a firestorm of controversy after the game. Quarterback Patrick Mahomes and coach Andy Reid were especially critical of the call, which Reid said came without the typical warning from the line judge.

‘Everybody’s just sticking up for each other. That’s all I give a damn about,’ Kelce said. ‘If they get fined for what they said, okay. But at least the guys in this locker room know we got their back.’

The loss dropped the Chiefs to 8-5, but they still lead the AFC West division by a game over the Denver Broncos.

‘When you watch the film, penalties in critical moments, turnovers in critical moments. And it’s everybody. It’s not one guy, everybody’s getting a piece of the pie,’ Kelce added.

‘Yeah, it’s frustrating, but at the same time we know a lot of it is self-inflicted. And we know that moving forward, it can be fixed.’

This post appeared first on USA TODAY

In the race for Super Bowls, score another one for California.

The NFL owners unanimously voted Tuesday to award Super Bowl 61, to be played February 2027, to Los Angeles and SoFi Stadium.

SoFi Stadium is located in Inglewood, California, and is the home venue of the Rams and Chargers.

This marks the second time SoFi Stadium, which opened in September 2020, will host the Super Bowl, and the second time in just five years. The venue was host to Super Bowl 56 on February 13, 2022, an eventual 23-20 Rams victory over the Cincinnati Bengals.

This will also mark the second consecutive Super Bowl California enjoys, as Super Bowl 60 is set to be played in Santa Clara, at Levi’s Stadium, home of the San Francisco 49ers.

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NFL owners select the host cities of Super Bowls based on the infrastructure of the stadiums, availability of hotel rooms and nearby attractions to entertain visitors, accommodations for the participating teams to practice and set their headquarters and other considerations. Very often, warm weather cities tend to get preference, and ownership typically likes to cycle through venues so that there’s a time gap between the period that specific city hosts two Super Bowls.

Where are the next Super Bowls going to be played?

Super Bowl 58, which will be played at the end of this current season, will take place in Allegiant Stadium in Las Vegas. Then the game will be played in the Caesars Superdome in New Orleans (Super Bowl 59 in 2025), Levi’s Stadium in Santa Clara, California (Super Bowl 60 in 2026) and SoFi Stadium in Los Angeles (Super Bowl 61 in 2027).

Where have the most recent Super Bowls been played?

Here’s the list of the 10 most recent Super Bowls:

Super Bowl 57: State Farm Stadium in Glendale, Arizona; 38-35 Chiefs victory over EaglesSuper Bowl 56: SoFi Stadium in Inglewood, California; 23-20 Rams victory over BengalsSuper Bowl 55: Raymond James Stadium in Tampa, Florida; 31-9 Buccaneers victory over ChiefsSuper Bowl 54: Hard Rock Stadium in Miami Gardens, Florida; 31-20 Chiefs victory over 49ersSuper Bowl 53: Mercedes-Benz Stadium in Atlanta, Georgia; 13-3 Patriots victory over RamsSuper Bowl 52: U.S. Bank Stadium in Minneapolis, Minnesota; 41-33 Eagles victory over PatriotsSuper Bowl 51: NRG Stadium in Houston, Texas; 34-28 Patriots victory over FalconsSuper Bowl 50: Levi’s Stadium in Santa Clara, California; 24-10 Broncos victory over PanthersSuper Bowl 49: University of Phoenix Stadium in Glendale, Arizona; 28-24 Patriots victory over SeahawksSuper Bowl 48: MetLife Stadium in East Rutherford, N.J.; 43-8 Seahawks victory over Broncos

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AC Milan needed a hero on Wednesday, and Christian Pulisic did his part.

The U.S. men’s national team attacker scored his first Champions League goal (and sixth in all competitions) since a summer transfer to the Serie A giants, sparking a comeback 2-1 win at Newcastle.

The victory kept Milan in European play, though notably not in the Champions League. Paris Saint-Germain’s 1-1 draw at Borussia Dortmund meant that both the Rossoneri and PSG finished Group F on eight points.

PSG’s 4-2 edge in total goals in head-to-head meetings (Milan won 2-1 in Italy, while PSG claimed a 3-0 triumph in France) means the French giants claimed second place on a tiebreaker, sending Milan to the Europa League.

Milan trailed 1-0 at St. James’ Park after Joelinton’s powerful strike gave the Magpies a first-half lead. With Milan needing a win to continue in Europe and Newcastle holding the Rossoneri without a shot in the first 45 minutes, things looked grim.

However, Milan got its lifeline through Pulisic in the 59th minute. Rafael Leão, just barely onside, crossed for Fikayo Tomori only for the England center back to mis-hit an attempted finish.

That proved fortuitous, as the ball skewed to Olivier Giroud, and the France striker smartly shuttled the ball to a wide-open Pulisic to finish. Milan’s first attempt on goal was also an equalizer.

Pulisic made some USMNT history in the process, becoming the first U.S. player to score a Champions League goal at three different clubs.

Manager Stefano Pioli — facing a desperate situation as Milan hunted the goal needed to claim a win and book a place in Europe for the second half of the season — sent striker Luka Jović on for Pulisic in the 73rd minute.

Given Pulisic’s recent form (two goals and an assist in Milan’s three matches thus far in December), that decision may have drawn criticism, but Pioli’s moves turned out to be masterstrokes.

An 84th minute counter saw Jović and fellow substitute Noah Okafor combine to tee up Samuel Chukwueze — a third sub Pioli threw on in pursuit of a miracle — for a goal that stunned the home fans, sending Milan into the lead.

That dramatic late winner broke Newcastle hearts, but with PSG hanging on for a draw at Signal Iduna Park, it also meant a mixed bag for Milan. Maintaining a place in European competition is undeniably good news, but the Europa League is hardly where Milan wanted to be playing.

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Former Pittsburgh Steelers quarterback Ben Roethlisberger is not a fan of where the franchise stands, and even took a jab at head coach Mike Tomlin.

Roethlisberger was critical of Pittsburgh’s performance in the ‘Thursday Night Football’ loss to the New England Patriots on his podcast, ‘Footbahlin with Ben Roethlisberger.’ The longtime Steeler took issue with Tomlin’s use of timeouts in the second half, as Pittsburgh didn’t have all three timeouts as it attempted to tie or win the game in the closing minutes of the game.

‘You can’t afford the second half of games to burn silly timeouts and not to have them late in the game,’ Roethlisberger said. ‘To me, that’s bad coaching.’

Roethlisberger then went into how the coaching blunder affected the possible game-tying drive in the fourth quarter.

‘When it’s fourth and one, you have to take a timeout to figure out if you’re gonna go for it or not go for it like some of that stuff. Preserving timeouts at the end of a game are so valuable,’ he added. ‘If we have one more timeout there, we get a completion, we can work the middle of the field and all you got to do is give (Chris Boswell) a 60-yard chance.

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‘Give him a chance and he’ll tie the game. I like my chances in overtime because they scored all their points early and the momentum had shifted.’

Ben Roethlisberger: Maybe Pittsburgh Steelers tradition ‘is done’

Aside from the criticism about the loss to New England, Roethlisberger questioned the state of the franchise as he doesn’t see it being the same team for which he played 18 seasons.

‘Maybe the tradition of the Pittsburgh Steelers is done,’ Roethlisberger said.

He said there doesn’t appear to be a leader that’s keeping up the franchise’s longstanding tradition of being viewed as a tough team. The defense has been one of the best units in the NFL season, but the offense has struggled mightily, ranking in the bottom 10 of the league in several offensive categories.

‘Who is grabbing someone by the face mask and saying, ‘That’s not what we do.’ Is that happening?’ Roethlisberger said. ‘Yes, you have guys on defense doing it, but you need guys on both sides of the ball doing it. You need someone to stand up in that room, on offense, and be like, ‘Hey, this isn’t what it means to wear the black and gold.”’

Roethlisberger continued by saying the tradition is ‘something that’s been lost on this team,’ as it was something that former teammates like Jerome Bettis and Alan Faneca made sure to pass down.

‘This isn’t what has been handed down from those teams of the ’70s. The Steel Curtain, the four Super Bowls, the Nolls, the Bradshaws, the Blounts. All those people, it’s unbelievable,’ he said. ‘I’ve felt that certain guys on the team aren’t in it for the team, they’re in it for themselves.’

Pittsburgh is currently 7-6 on the season, but suffered back-to-back losses against teams well below .500. They sit at the No. 6 spot in the AFC playoff standings heading into Week 15, but are in a six-way tie for the final two playoff spots with four games left in the regular season.

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The San Francisco Giants have missed out on several marquee free agents in recent seasons, the latest apparently being Shohei Ohtani.

One franchise legend, recently retired star catcher Buster Posey, says the perception of the city may be playing a role in the team’s failures to land a game-breaking star in free agency.

‘Something I think is noteworthy, something that unfortunately keeps popping up from players and even the players’ wives is there’s a bit of an uneasiness with the city itself, as far as the state of the city, with crime, with drugs,” Posey said in an interview with The Athletic.

‘Whether that’s all completely fair or not, perception is reality,’ Posey added. ‘It’s a frustrating cycle, I think, and not just with baseball. Baseball is secondary to life and the important things in life. But as far as a free-agent pursuit goes, I have seen that it does affect things.’

Posey spent his entire career with the Giants, capturing three World Series championships as well as the 2010 Rookie of the Year award and 2012 MVP. He retired after the 2021 campaign and is now a member of the Giants’ ownership group.

HOT STOVE UPDATES: MLB free agency: Ranking and tracking the top players available.

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Former President Trump jabbed at President Biden’s son Hunter Biden for skipping his closed-door congressional deposition on Wednesday.

Trump took a shot at the younger Biden during his Iowa speech Wednesday night, joking that the presidential scion ‘went to the wrong place’ on Capitol Hill.

The former president joked that Hunter went to the Senate side of the U.S. Capitol when he should have gone to the House side. 

‘Did you see Hunter today, right?’ Trump said. ‘He went to the wrong place. He went to the Senate instead of the House.’

‘Everyone’s saying, ‘Where’s Hunter?’ See, it always gets, ‘Where’s Hunter?” the former president continued. ‘What a two-tier system of justice we have.’

Trump’s comments came the same day that the younger Biden skipped his House deposition, instead giving a press conference on the Senate side of the Capitol. 

While they occupy the same building, the House and Senate are separate parts of the Legislative Branch.

On Capitol Hill, the House has no authority on the Senate side and vice-versa.

The presidential scion is facing intense backlash after holding a Capitol Hill press conference on Wednesday in which he refused to sit for a deposition before Congress, and declared his father, President Biden, was never ‘financially involved’ in his business dealings.

Calls to hold Hunter in contempt of Congress began almost immediately following the end of the press conference, while other critics pointed to the claims concerning his father’s relationship to his business dealings as ‘goalpost shifting.’

‘They belittled my recovery, and they have tried to dehumanize me, all to embarrass my father, who has devoted his entire life to public service,’ Hunter said. ‘For six years I have been a target of the unrelenting Trump attack team. ‘Where’s Hunter?’ Well, here’s my answer. I am here.’ 

He added that ‘my father was not financially involved in my business,’ saying the elder Biden was not involved in his dealings with Ukrainian natural gas firm Burisma Holdings, or his Chinese investments and others in the United States.

Biden’s campaign did not immediately respond to Fox News Digital’s request for comment.

This post appeared first on FOX NEWS

Republican presidential candidate Vivek Ramaswamy appeared in Des Moines, Iowa for a CNN town hall on Wednesday night and not only addressed a broad range of topics but also repeatedly clashed with CNN anchor Abby Phillip. 

Ramaswamy battles CNN’s Abby Phillip over Jan. 6

The most contentious moment of the hour-long town hall was when Phillip attempted to grill Ramaswamy over his recent comment referring to Jan. 6 as an ‘inside job.’

As Ramaswamy accused the government of systemically lying in recent years and claimed that federal agents were within the crowd on Jan. 6, he mocked Phillip’s interruptions as proof that ‘the establishment doesn’t approve this message.’

‘I know it’s very uncomfortable for you. I know this is an uncomfortable issue for many people but we have to do the truth here,’ Ramaswamy told the CNN anchor. 

Ramaswamy’s comments were repeatedly welcomed with applause by the GOP-friendly audience as Phillip continued sparring with the White House hopeful. 

Ramaswamy vows to end birthright citizenship, lays out plan for deportations

Ramaswamy, the son of immigrants, laid out his hard-line immigration policies. He began by repeating his vow to send the military to secure the southern border but quickly pivoted to his proposal to ‘ending the illegal incentives to be here.’

‘End birthright citizenship for the kids of illegal migrants to whom the 14th Amendment does not apply, end federal funding to sanctuary cities using our own taxpayer money to pay effectively for breaking the rule of law,’ Ramaswamy said. ‘I do believe that anybody who’s in this country illegally needs to be returned to their country of origin. Not because they’re all bad people. In fact, many of them are good people… So this is not a value judgment about those people. It’s a value judgment about this country. We’re founded on the rule of law. And as a father of two sons in the White House, I can’t look them in the eye and tell them they have to follow the rules when our own government isn’t following its own rules.’

The political outsider explained that he could implement such mass deportations by invoking an obscure law called 287 G he says allows local law enforcement to carry out warrants issued by ICE. He also clarified that ending birthright citizenship of illegal immigrants would take effect after he takes office rather than be retroactively applied to those already born in the U.S. 

Ramaswamy says ‘If you hit us, we hit you back ten times harder’

Ramaswamy was asked by an Iowa voter about how he’d be able to balance an authentic approach on the world stage while maintaining a ‘presidential demeanor.’ He responded by saying he wants to act as president the way he wants his sons to view him. 

‘Am I going to tell my kids to go to school and be a bully? No, I’m not. But I’m gonna tell them if somebody bullies you or hits you, you’re gonna hit them back ten times harder. And that’s the way I’m going to lead this country,’ Ramaswamy said. ‘As we say in our family- you have to be strong enough to protect your kindness. So if you watch those debates carefully, I don’t engage in four-letter words. I mean, there are other candidates who have called me dumb, scum and worse that I’m not going to repeat here. I didn’t go after them but if they’re gonna come after me, I’m not going to be a president whether it’s Xi Jinping or Vladimir Putin or anybody else who’s going to roll over. When I’m leading the United States, the same rule applies. If you hit us, we hit you back ten times harder.’

Ramaswamy proposes 12% flat tax 

The GOP hopeful was asked about his past support of dramatically increasing the inheritance tax, telling Phillip it’s not part of his policy platform. 

‘What we need is a 12% flat tax across the board,’ Ramaswamy said. ‘Ordinary income, capital gain, corporate, flatten it out.’ 

‘And here is how we get money back for the system: end the croniest deductions, the deductions and the loopholes and the rebates that corporations, special interests have lobbied in. It’s about $700 billion a year, just the tax compliance costs, just the out-of-pocket costs not counting the time you spend preparing your taxes. Give that back to the people,’ he continued. 

Ramaswamy says DEI discourages diversity of viewpoints 

Ramaswamy was quick to reject the premise of a question from a Drake University professor who asked how he would promote ‘diversity and inclusion’ and advance ‘underrepresented groups’ in his administration and in the private sector. 

‘So I think the Diversity Equity Inclusion agenda has been abused. In the name of diversity, we have at many of our universities totally sacrificed diversity of thought,’ he said. ‘In the name of equity, we’ve perpetuated a lot of inequity and inequality of opportunity through affirmative action and otherwise. In the name of inclusion, we’ve created a new culture of exclusion where certain points of view aren’t welcome. So especially in a university setting, what do I care about? Diversity of viewpoint. This is important, actually, I think diversity of viewpoint is part of what this country was built on. Well, the best way to foster diversity of viewpoint is to screen candidates for the diversity of their views.’ 

He later continued, ‘And I think the use of these racial and gender quota systems, I think, have actually created a new form of racism in the United States that otherwise would not have existed. It’s sad to me, I mean, I’ve hired, not because I was thinking about it consciously, plenty of Black women in different positions of authority in this campaign or other companies or whatever. And I can tell you it saddens me when people look at somebody who I hired on the basis of merit and say that they only got that job because of the race or gender. That doesn’t do anybody a favor. And so I think if we restore true meritocracy in this country, and embrace true diversity of thought, chances are we’re actually going to have a bunch of different shades of melanin and a range of genders in different positions. But let it be not the goal. Let it just be a byproduct of actually selecting for people who are the best person for the job, and especially in a university setting, diverse viewpoints as well. That’s what I think.’

Ramaswamy wants to make faith, patriotism ‘cool again’

Ramaswamy rejected the notion that his Hindu faith contradicts the values established by the Founding Fathers, telling an Iowan voter ‘we share the same value set in common’ before listing several of his values that overlap with Judeo-Christian ones. 

‘Would I be the best president to spread Christianity through this country? I would not. I’d be not the best choice for that. But I also don’t think that that’s the job of the US President,’ Ramaswamy said. ‘But will I stand for the Judeo-Christian values that this nation was founded on ,that I was raised in even in the Hindu faith? Yes, I will. You’re darn right I will.’

‘I think it’s my responsibility to make faith, and patriotism, and family, and hard work cool again in this country,’ he later continued. ‘I think they’re pretty cool. And I think that’s my job. As your next president, to back to the First Amendment, we will stand for religious liberty in a way that neither Republicans nor Democrats actually have. That’s what the First Amendment says. You get to practice your faith. Every pastor in this country gets to do his job without the government getting in their way.’

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A new poll from the Wall Street Journal shows Nikki Haley leading President Biden by 17 points in a head-to-head matchup.

Fifty-one percent of registered voters say they would support Haley if she was on the ballot against Biden, who takes 34%.

That lead is 13 points bigger than Trump’s lead against Biden (47% to 43%), while Gov. Ron DeSantis appears tied with the incumbent president (45% each).

The survey comes as Haley ties her closest rival, Ron DeSantis, in multiple primary polls. The former South Carolina governor is hoping strong finishes in Iowa and New Hampshire — where Gov. Chris Sununu offered an endorsement to Haley last night — will give her enough delegates to surpass DeSantis and make a race of it with Trump.

Still, there’s more to the equation than this poll. 

Haley’s strength relies on her apparent appeal to more moderate voters than Trump. At the same time, there’s a question of whether she will get the kind of strong GOP turnout that carried Trump to victory in 2016. Indeed, whether Haley is the strongest Republican candidate depends on three numbers: 

1. How many moderates, independents and crossover voters would Haley win?

The Journal’s poll is the latest to show Haley with a lead in a general election matchup with Biden.

CNN/SSRS found in a late October survey that Haley leads Biden by six points, 49% to 43%.

Days later, Marquette tested the matchup and had Haley at 41% to Biden’s 38%.

When Marquette included voters who said they were leaning toward either candidate, Haley took a 10-point lead and a clear majority, with 55% support versus Biden’s 45%.

The Fox News Poll provides insight into both her overall level of support and her performance with moderates, independents and crossover voters.

According to the mid-November survey, Haley has an 11-point lead and a majority in a matchup with the incumbent president. The former governor takes 52%, with Biden trailing at 41%. The support that gets her over that line comes from, among others:

Moderates, who prefer Biden over Trump by five points (49% to 44%), back Haley over Biden by 12 points (51% to 39%).Independents, who prefer Trump over Biden by 16 points (52% to 36%) and back Haley over Biden by 43 points (65% to 22%).

Moderates and independents do not, on their own, make or break a candidacy. But they are a critical voting bloc in a general election, and Haley is posting very strong margins with both.

There’s even better news for Haley with crossover voters.

Among people who voted for Biden last cycle, 90% say they would stick with the incumbent in a rematch against Trump.

If Haley is the candidate, 81% of Biden 2020 voters say they would stay put, but 14% say they would switch to the South Carolina governor.

In a highly polarized political environment, that’s a notable advantage.

The 2024 general election is about a year away, so this is as good a time as any to remind voters that polls are a snapshot of the current electorate, not a prediction of the outcome. If Haley is the nominee, Democrats will seek to polarize voters and depress Republican turnout.

For now, Haley has an undeniable advantage with moderate, independent and crossover voters.

Looking ahead: Haley and the debates

Haley has at least one major advantage over Biden when looking at her general election campaign.

Polls consistently show that age is a serious vulnerability for President Biden. 

The last weeks of the campaign will test his cognitive abilities more than any other time because he will likely (but not definitely) participate in three general election debates.

Those debates remain an extraordinary opportunity to speak to a wide audience. Seventy-three million Americans tuned into the first general election debate in the last cycle.

By virtue of her age advantage alone, Haley would be a formidable competitor.

That advantage looks even bigger when you consider that Haley’s rise in the primary field tracks alongside her performance at the first three Republican debates. Her tangles with rival Vivek Ramaswamy became standout moments.

2. How many Trump voters would turn out for Haley?

So far, in a general election matchup, polls show Haley holding on to a similar share and types of voters as those who chose Trump in 2016 and 2020.

Returning to the latest Fox News survey: 94% of Trump voters in 2020 say they would support Trump again now in a matchup with Joe Biden, and 89% say they would support Haley against Biden.

(With a margin of error of plus or minus 4.5 points for 2020 Trump voters, that five-point gap between Trump and Haley isn’t large enough to read into.)

There are substantive policy differences between the two candidates that affect these groups, and there are also the political realities of defeating Trump in the primary. Both could complicate Haley’s pathway in a general election.

Haley’s policy differences with Trump

First, remember that an important element of Trump’s victory in 2016 was increasing Republican turnout by bringing new types of voters into his coalition. Some previously voted for Democrats, but a surprisingly high number were new or reactivated voters.

For example, an analysis by the Center for American Progress found that in both Michigan and Pennsylvania, the increase in turnout among White non-college-educated voters alone was enough for Trump to defeat Hillary Clinton.

That group and three others – White rural, White evangelical and White working-class voters, all of which have significant overlap — helped give Trump his upset win.

Overall, Republican turnout has hit record highs throughout the Trump era of conservative politics.

Today, Haley’s margins among a sample of registered voters are strong among these groups. From the Fox survey:

White voters without degrees prefer Trump over Biden by 20 points (58% to 38%) and prefer Haley over Biden by 23 points (58% to 35%).White rural voters prefer Trump over Biden by 27 points (62% to 35%) and prefer Haley over Biden by 37 points (66% to 29%).White evangelical voters prefer Trump over Biden by 51 points (74% to 23%) and prefer Haley over Biden by 32 points (71% to 39%).

Haley’s position on topics like inflation, immigration and crime, which are all strong turnout motivators, mean she would likely receive a significant share of Trump 2016 and 2020 voters.

But there are also warning signs that these voters, some of whom can also be the most difficult to engage, could be less enthusiastic in the general election about a Haley candidacy.

Consider foreign policy. Haley told Fox’s Neil Cavuto in July that Ukraine should be admitted to NATO and has criticized Biden for failing to adequately respond to the war. Trump says he would end it immediately, which would inevitably give Russia at least some of Ukraine’s territory.

Trump coalition voters, though, are among the least likely to support ‘doing more’ to help Ukraine. 

Overall, 18% of non-college educated White voters, 18% of rural Whites and 20% of White evangelicals agree with doing more to help Ukraine. (Remember, about a quarter to a third of the voters in these groups are Biden supporters). Just 13% of the GOP supports the same.

These are some of the lowest numbers across all demographics in the survey.

These groups also support keeping benefits over reducing the deficit more than all voters and have lower levels of trust in government institutions.

The impact of a Trump loss in the Republican primary

This analysis is based on two possibilities. That is, either Trump or Haley is the GOP candidate on the general election ticket.

In reality, though, Trump has a much clearer path to becoming the Republican candidate for president than Haley does. He polls at 59% nationally and notched a 51% majority in the latest Des Moines Register/NBC News poll out of Iowa.

So, what would it look like if Trump lost the Republican nomination?

For one thing, polls out today show that Trump voters are enthusiastic about their candidate. The same Iowa survey shows that 70% of them have already made up their minds about supporting him, and 45% are ‘extremely enthusiastic’ about that choice. That’s more than double Haley or Ron DeSantis in each case.

In a scenario where Haley gains so much momentum in the early primary states that it’s enough to topple Trump on Super Tuesday and beyond, you have to consider how Trump would react to that loss.

History suggests he will not be a Haley surrogate.

Trump has steadfastly refused to sign the Republican Party’s ‘loyalty pledges’ designed to ensure that candidates would back any GOP presidential nominee, even forcing a rule change in Florida to get on the ballot. 

Trump also reportedly told RNC Chair Ronna McDaniel on the last day of his presidency he was ‘done’ with the party, adding, ‘You lose forever without me. I don’t care.’

How Trump would undermine a Haley candidacy in the general is a subject for speculation, but there is a high likelihood that he will.

3. How many Democrats would turn out for Biden with Haley on the ticket?

So far, we’ve established that Haley polls well with moderates and independents, but there are reasons to question whether Trump voters would show up if Haley is on the ticket next November.

There is one more piece to this puzzle.

If Haley appears on the ballot, it could also impact the number of Democrats who turn out for President Biden.

(Biden needs to be nominated first, but as an incumbent president with little primary competition, the most likely scenario where he doesn’t become the nominee is one where he chooses to step down.)

As above, Trump’s victory in 2016 was thanks in part to increased turnout among untraditional Republican groups.

The most important factor in his victory, though, was low Democratic enthusiasm for Hillary Clinton.

Democrats learned from their bitter loss in 2016 and turned out in much higher numbers four years later, delivering Biden his first term in office.

And just as Trump squeezed more votes out of key voting groups in that election and throughout his political career, so too have the Democrats. More suburban, Black, and youth voters are showing up, and they’re delivering Democratic wins.

Three years later, the Democrats now have two major turnout motivators — threats to democracy and abortion. Haley would go some way in neutralizing the first issue and less so the second.

Haley and threats to democracy

Democrats mobilized midterm voters by talking about Trump’s attempts to overturn the 2020 presidential election and the Jan. 6 riot.

In that election, according to the Fox News Voter Analysis, 44% of voters identified ‘the future of democracy in this country’ as the single most important factor in their decision to vote, and 60% of those voters were Democrats.

The presidential electorate is expressing similar views. According to a November  CNN/SSRS survey, 87% of Democrats call voting rights and election integrity ‘extremely’ or ‘very important’ to their vote for president, tied with the economy as the No. 1 issue on those voters’ minds.

A Haley nomination could impact those ratings.

First, the governor said she would accept the results of the 2024 election, a commitment Trump famously never made.

Haley has also been willing to criticize Trump for his post-election efforts, telling a crowd of Republicans the day after the Jan 6 attack, ‘His actions since Election Day will be judged harshly by history.’

And in a debate hosted by Fox News in August, she backed former Vice President Mike Pence’s decision to certify the presidential election results in 2021, saying, ‘I do think that [he] did the right thing, and I do think that we need to give him credit for that.’

This makes it tougher for the Biden campaign to tie Haley to ‘MAGA extremism,’ an attack it has deployed against Trump-aligned candidates since 2021.

Haley and abortion

Abortion was also a critical part of Democrats’ performance in 2022.

Again, from the Fox News Voter Analysis: 25% of voters said the Supreme Court’s decision to overturn Roe v Wade, the 1973 decision on abortion, was the single most important factor in their decision to vote, and 71% of those voters were Democrats.

Today, 80% of Democratic voters call it an extremely or very important issue when it comes to their vote for president, per the CNN survey.

Haley has tried to stake out a more moderate position on the issue. She said at the start of her campaign that the next president needed to ‘find national consensus’ on the issue in a speech she delivered to Susan B. Anthony Pro-Life America’s office.

The governor also publicly disagreed with a Texas court decision to suspend FDA approval of the abortion pill mifepristone and said at the first debate that contraception should be available.

Even so, Democrats have opportunities to fire up their base with Haley’s positions.

As governor, Haley signed a 20-week abortion ban into law and made headlines last month when she said she would have signed a six-week ban if it had passed through the state legislature.

At the federal level, Haley cites the Senate math, saying it makes some bans ‘not realistic.’ But she also told Shannon Bream on Fox News Sunday that ‘whatever 60 Senate votes comes to, whether that’s 15 weeks, I absolutely would sign it.’

And in the same Susan B. Anthony speech, Haley made it clear ‘there is a federal role on abortion,’ a comment vague enough to make its way into an attack ad come 2024.

Haley’s strength among moderate and independent voters is an encouraging sign for her supporters and may help her make inroads with pragmatic primary voters. 

A full examination of her campaign should involve a discussion about turnout as well. 

There are reasons to believe Trump’s base — and the former president himself — could depress overall GOP turnout in a Biden-Haley matchup. There are also signals that Democratic turnout would be lower too.

Voters are a month away from finding out just how likely that matchup is.

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